WHAT ABOUT VIOLENCE

THE CONCEPT VIOLENCE

Everywhere we encounter „violence“. It seems to be a universal process which threatens the very destiny of mankind. Everybody is talking about „violence“ and „peace“, as if the two form a unity and contradiction of opposites. But, very few people seem to know what this concept precisely connotes. In fact, there are just about as many definitions of „violence“ as there are persons experiencing violence daily.



In various discussions we condemn „political violence“, „social violence”, „state violence“, „class violence“, etc. However, what is violence in essence? Is it really the opposite of „peace“, and what is „peace“?

TROTSKY AND VIOLENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA

On April 30, 1933, Leon Trotsky, one of the most famous leaders of the historic October Revolution, wrote a letter to the „Workers’ Party of South Africa“ (WPSA), concerning „The National and Agrarian Struggles in South Africa“. 1) While discussing the „national question“ and the possibility of the „Blacks“, establishing a „separate State“ after a victorious political revolution, he emphatically stressed: „ … let them make this admission freely, on the basis of their own experience, and not forced by the sjambok (whip) of the White oppressors“. 2) It is of great interest what Trotsky had contrasted here, the sjambok of the White oppressors, and, admission freely, on the basis of experience, práxis-theory. Trotsky, being a revolutionary scientific socialist, and having experienced Stalin's political terror and violence, knows very well that in South Africa, in the historic process of the class struggle, an inexorable dialectical battle was taking place between the forces of „violence“ and those of „freedom“. This was the unity and contradiction of opposites, the motor of history, and today this confrontation continues with greater „force“ and velocity.



Now, what is the praxical-theoretical background of the above contention? Firstly, we have to understand the philosophic basis on which Trotsky made his scientific analysis, his approach and method. Without these, it is impossible to grasp such a concept as „violence“ in its processual manifestations.



According to Scientific Socialism or Marxism, and, for our purposes, the two are synonymous, the concrete philosophical basis of dialectical materialism (incidentally, a concept which Marx never used in his works) is eternal, living matter. Like the concept „mode of production“, the term „matter“ is an abstract-logical universal category. Because matter permanently changes, as expressed in its various forms and content, essence and appearance, probabilities, potentialities, latencies and tendencies, etc., 3) because it is in eternal flux, it is impossible for the human mind, for thinking and theory, to grasp its true reality. Hence, in discussing a concept like „violence“, which is part of the process of the evolution of matter, we can only hope to approximate with increasing precision the essence and reality of this phenomenon. What it was a million years ago, what it is today, and what it will be tomorrow, all are different, and even the subject analysing „violence“ permanently changes.



The method of dialectical materialism is the dialectical method, based on the science of movement, of evolution, of change, dialectics. 4) Concerning the elusiveness and immutability of matter, of reality, Goethe remarked: „Theory, my friends, is gray, but green is the eternal tree of life.“ Thus, materialist dialectics is the logic of motion, of universal change manifesting itself on the levels of nature, history and human thought. 5) On December 15, 1939, Trotsky, criticizing Burnham and Shachtman, pointed out: „dialectical thinking gives to concepts, by means of closer approximations, corrections, concretizations, a richness of content and flexibility; I would even say a succulence which to a certain extent brings them close to living phenomena. ... We call our dialectic, materialist, since its roots are neither in heaven nor in the depths of our ‘free will’ , but in objective reality, in nature.“ 6) And, some of the laws of the dialectics, discovered by Hegel, and applied to materialism by Marx and Engels, he enumerated as follows: „Hegel in his logic established a series of laws: change of quantity into quality, development through contradictions, conflict of content and form, interruption of continuity (discontinuity), change of possibility into inevitability, etc., which are just as important for theoretical thought as in the simple syllogism for more elementary tasks.“ 7)



Like any other science, which studies a particular kind of motion, dialectics has its laws and categories, and, even they are not absolute or eternal. Among these categories are those who will interest us specifically: essence-appearance, absolute-relative, abstract-concrete, form-content, theory-praxis. They express the dialectical compound of the contradiction and unity of opposites, which we find in every object, subject, phenomenon or process.


DIALECTICS AND VIOLENCE

Now, let us look at the features of the dialectical method, which Engels had described in Ludwig Feuerbach as „our best working tool and our sharpest weapon“. In this respect, we have also to look very closely at the oscillation between thought and reality, the abstract and the concrete, essence and appearance, theory and praxis. Ernest Mandel, in his major work, Late Capitalism, gave an excellent synthesis of the dialectical method used by Marx and Trotsky. 8) Violence as a phenomenon has a cause (or causes) and an effect (or effects), it has an essence and various appearances, it has specific contents and can appear in various forms in history and in social life.



Man has developed science, precisely because appearance and essence are never identical. Marx, in Capital, stated: „All science would be superfluous if the outward appearance and the essence of things directly coincided.“ 9) Violence as it appears on the signs „Whites Only“, as the demarcation SOWETO, is not necessarily identical with the essence of violence of the apartheid system. Violence, like everything else, in essence has a historical and material character. It enters the world, history, under specific material conditions, it develops into and through various forms, and, in a Hegelian dialectical sense, eventually „meets its doom“. What is more significant, a thing never comes-into-being alone, it always is born with its opposite. The unity and contradiction of these two phenomena is the material for scientific investigation. Worse even, everything has in its own essence already the unity and contradiction of opposites. Novack wrote: „The essence of a thing never comes into existence by itself and as itself alone. It always manifests itself along with and by means of its own opposite. This opposite is what we designate by the logical term appearance.“ 10) Hence, the essence of violence is what is necessary for its appearance in the world, in history, in South Africa, in the „African imagination“. It is the totality of qualities without which violence cannot be born, and, if they disappear, violence necessarily and „rationally“ will perish. And when a thing changes its essence, it changes essentially.



Logically, it is necessary to attempt to comprehend how violence had historically, as essence, entered African reality, and how its appearance forms throughout history had been reflected in the African „imagination“, in African philosophy. Such a work would however dialectically surpass the formal limits of this brief essay. Hence, I will just sketch the essential points of relevance.



Trotsky, as revolutionary Marxist, in various works, in which he had analysed manifold social phenomena, especially the October Revolution, had always pointed out that in the development, the process of a thing, at the beginning its essence is almost wholly submerged in a particular appearance. Generally, people, using Aristotle’s formal logic, the mother who had died when the child Dialectics was born, tend to identify forever the two as an indivisible whole. Gradually a thing „sloughs off“ its original form, in a sense of how Anaximander had explained the development of the apeiron, and assumes new appearance forms. In the case of South Africa, Trotsky in his „Letter“ very carefully distinguished between „appearance“ of South Africa to the world, and to the „Whites“, as „Dominion“, and, its „essence“, a „slave colony“, as the „Blacks“ daily experienced it in 1933.



In the course of development, in its material movement, the essence and appearance of a thing, a phenomenon, for example, violence, commingle at the peak, in the South African case, in the apartheid system at the end of the 20th century, and then gradually Hegel’s „doom“ sets in. Currently, apartheid having unfolded historically its content of social discrimination, political oppression, economic exploitation and human degradation, slowly is moving toward something else, under the pressure of the forces of emancipation, its negation, that is, its essence is fading away. Similarly, violence in South Africa, which is an intrinsic part of this process, more and more is losing its essence, and permanently changes its appearance forms. Eventually, apartheid and violence will become less essential and finally nonessential.




VIOLENCE AND REVOLUTION


How the above would be accomplished historically, Trotsky explained very clearly in his „Letter“: „A victorious revolution is unthinkable without the awakening of the Native masses; in its turn it will give them what they are so lacking today, confidence in their strength, a heightened personal consciousness, a cultural growth.“ 11)



Although Trotsky, like Marx, Engels and Lenin, appropriated great significance to revolutionary theory within the realm of political praxis - “without revolutionary theory, no social revolution“ (Lenin) - nonetheless, we have no „treatise“ on Marxist political theory, no „cook-book“ for the dialectics, no „recipe“ of how to make social revolution, and no „constitution“ which fixes the laws of motion of matter. Trotsky knew that the South African revolutionaries had to begin with the concrete realities of their daily lives and in the scientific investigation and analysis of these conditions had to move to the abstract, to a heightened political consciousness, to a „confidence in their strength“. And, by applying this „revolutionary theory“, gained from this practical revolutionary experience, again to the changing reality of South Africa, the emancipatory struggle will be elevated to a higher dialectical plane, ready to be analysed again in a concrete-abstract fashion. The above indicates how the categories „concrete-abstract“ and „theory-praxis“ are applied in a social revolutionary process. Earlier we had demonstrated how revolutionaries have to differentiate between „appearance“ and „essence“, and how these dialectical categories go hand-in-hand.



Concerning the above, Mandel remarked: „To reduce Marx’s method to a ‘progression of the abstract to the concrete’, however, is to ignore its full richness. In the first place, this misunderstanding overlooks the fact that, for Marx, the concrete was both the ‘real starting point’ and the final goal of knowledge, which he saw as an active and practical process; the ‘reproduction of the concrete in the course of thought’. Secondly it forgets that a progression from the abstract to the concrete is necessarily preceded, as Lenin put it, by a progression from the concrete to the abstract. For the abstract itself is already the result of a previous work of analysis, which has sought to separate the concrete into ‘its determinant relations’” 12)



The above is an excellent example of how the dialectical categories „cause-effect“ and „analysis-synthesis“ operate. Obviously the analysis of violence in South Africa by the masses and its revolutionary vanguard, as „abstract“ result, as „theory“, will only be true if it will be successful in reproducing the „unity of the diverse elements present in the concrete“, the police terror, personal harassment, torture, murder, genocide by social order. It is well-known that the master dialectician, Hegel, considered that only „the whole is true“. And, in our case, the „whole“ is the unity of the concrete and the abstract, that is the unity of opposites, which contradict each other. In the South African context, concerning our topic, the „whole“ is the unity of apartheid violence and African emancipation, and, the contradiction of the two.



Applying the abstract again to the concrete is theory-praxis, another important category of the dialectics, quintessential for social revolution. Mandel continues: „Fourthly, the successful reproduction of the concrete totality only becomes conclusive by application in practice. This means, among other things, that - as Lenin expressly emphasized - each stage of the analysis must be subject to ‘control either by facts, or by practice ‘”. 13)



The experience of violence by the South African masses daily is a concrete manifestation, they feel violence because it is a concentration of many determinations of apartheid society, the unity of the diverse elements which make up their human tragedy. Trotsky tried to contribute in an abstract-concrete manner to enable them to be “liberated from slavish dependence“. 14) And, although he gave examples from his own revolutionary experience, especially of the October Revolution, yet he did not consider that the African masses should „reproduce“ the Russian experience at the „Cape of Storms“. He stressed that he was „too insufficiently acquainted with the conditions in South Africa“, and that the Black masses should make admissions „freely, on the basis of their own experience“.



It is precisely in the field of „experience“, of daily political práxis, where the concrete workers of South Africa learn the dialectics, the laws and categories of the logic of motion. It is when their „heightened personal consciousness“ (Trotsky) becomes social consciousness, when their abstract reflections approximate concrete reality, only then, they can find their way through the labyrinth of South African apartheid ideology, falsifications, rationalizations and lies. It is when they begin to grasp concrete totality, Hegel’s „whole“, only then, they are approaching Truth, and nothing is more magnetic than Truth to an oppressed creature searching for emancipation, and not Messianic salvation.



Although Trotsky is using the category „race“, in a sense that it was used in his epoch, nevertheless his views were scientific and not „racist“, he did not „exclude, of course either full equality for Whites or brotherly relations between the two races“. 15) But, he was utterly against the „devil of chauvinism“ (Trotsky) and stressed revolutionary principles in the South African struggle: “... the worst crime on the part of the revolutionaries would be to give the smallest concessions to the privileges and prejudices of the Whites. Whoever gives his little finger to the devil of chauvinism is lost.“ 16) The point is: these „privileges and prejudices“ have to be abolished, and not be interpreted in different ways. As I have already pointed out in 1982 in “Political Science in Africa”, in South Africa, „our aim can only be a dialectical unity of scientific práxis and philosophic theory. Anything else will land on the garbage heap of history.“ 17)

MARXISM AND VIOLENCE

Now, let us look more closer at the Marxist conception of „violence“, especially from Trotsky's cosmovision. In commemoration of all the brave sons and daughters who had fallen in the South African struggle across the last 400 years, it is pertinent here to relate Trotsky's own personal experience of political violence, the murder of his beloved son, Leon Sedov. Leon Sedov, son of Natalia Sedova and Trotsky, was murdered in a Paris hospital by agents of Stalin's GPU. In Mexico, two years before he himself would be murdered by Stalin's secret international police, on February 20, 1938, Trotsky wrote the article: Leon Sedov - Son, Friend, Fighter. We will quote extensively to demonstrate a great revolutionary's grieve and love in the face of international violence.



„As I write these lines, with Leon Hesiod’s mother by my side, telegrams of condolence keep coming from different countries. And for us each telegram evokes the same appalling question: ‘Can it really be that our friends in France, Holland, England, the United States, Canada, South Africa, and here in Mexico accept it as definitely established that Sedov is no more?’ Each telegram in a new token of his death, but we are unable to believe it as yet. And this, not only because he was our son, truthful, devoted, loving, but above all because he had, as no one else on earth, become part of our life, entwined in all its roots, our co-thinker, our co-worker, our guard, our counsellor, our friend. .... Leon was a thoroughly clean, honest, pure human being. He could before any working-class gathering tell the story of his life - alas, so brief - day by day, as I have briefly told it here. He had nothing to be ashamed of or to hide. Moral nobility was the basic warp of his character. ... Together with our boy has died everything that still remained young within us. ... Goodbye, Leon! We bequeath your irreproachable memory to the younger generation of the workers of the world. You will rightly live in the hearts of all those who work, suffer, and struggle for a better world. Revolutionary youth of all countries! Accept from us the memory of our Leon, adopt him as your son ....“ 18)



Alas, the revolutionary youth of South Africa know today, half a century later, very little about Trotsky, about his thoughts and his work, and practically nothing about his son, their adopted brother. Violently South Africa, by means of „Suppression of Communism“ and „Terrorism“ Acts, had waged a life-and-death struggle against Marxism. But, also the Communist Party of South Africa, which had followed all the zig-zag manoeuvres of Stalin's foreign policy, and the Soviet Union itself until today, had done everything possible to blot out the very memory of Leon Trotsky and Leon Sedov. However, the Truth is the Whole, and one cannot negate one’s contradiction, without negating one’s self. Historically, as the 20th century is drawing towards a close, both Leons as revolutionary heritage of all „wretched of the earth“ are gradually penetrating even the virgin land of the African „imagination“. And all the defamations of etiquetting real revolutionaries as „Trotskyites“ or „Trotskyists“ would not stop this world process - if the true „Marxist-Leninists“ had studied their history thoroughly, by using the dialectical method, they would have known that even Lenin was a „Trotskyite“ after 1917, and that Lenin was the first one to criticize himself in the face of the eternal laws of motion of matter of everchanging history. It is not the committing of scientific errors which is the problem, it is their elevation to ossified dogma, by using the Aristotelian forms of logic, which has severely harmed emancipatory progress.

VIOLENCE AND THE FUTURE OF MANKIND

For mankind, the problem of abolishing and surpassing „violence“ began in its „cradle“, in Africa. However, before tracing the history of „violence” until South Africa of the 20th century, let us examine two important dialectical categories, „relative-absolute“ and „affirmation-negation“, which are immensely relevant in elucidating this historic process. In objective reality, in the processes of matter, „negative“ or „positive“, „absolute“ or „relative“, have no human „moral“ meaning. The process of „human history“ within the universal processes can be titulated by us as „positive“ or „negative“, but, in the last analysis, whether „human production“ as a process perishes or not, is not a matter dependent on „human will“ or desires. In fact according to Hegel, even history will meet its inevitable „doom“. Within class society, it depends on class interests how to define what is „positive“ or „negative“, thus, these categories are „relative“; absolute only is the relation of both to the universal processes. And, even then, for the dialectics, nothing is absolute, because the „absolute“ is relative to the „relative“.



Mandel explains the above as follows: „To understand motion, universal change, is also to understand the existence of an infinite number of transitory situations. ... That is why one of the fundamental characteristics of dialectics is the understanding of the relativity of things, the refusal to erect absolute barriers between categories, the attempt to find mediating forces between opposing elements. ... the relativity of categories is only partial relativity and not absolute relativity, ... in turn, it is equally necessary to make relativity relative.“ 19)



Why the „missing link“, the hybrid process between man and ape, dialectically ever came into existence, was precisely due to a unity and contradiction of opposites: Nature-Man. Man, including his most relevant feature, highly-developed consciousness, is a product, a child of natural objective processes, of the motion of matter. In the natural process, long before Man’s birth, potentially, in latency and tendency, the possibility of the evolution of man, including consciousness, was always present, is still existent, and may be existent elsewhere in the universe, even after Man has met his inevitable Hegelian „doom“, which is a dialectical synthesis to another essence and appearance, but surely not what we generally understand as „divine essence“ and „heavenly appearances“.

MAN, NATURE AND VIOLENCE

For conscious Man, who had lost himself, namely his umbilical cord to Mother Nature, Nature itself became a threat, a negation. In a most general sense, this threat to survival, to human life, was consciously comprehended as „negative“ to Man. Man felt that he was born in a violent natural surrounding. In all Man’s mythology, magical and religious beliefs, this threat of „violence“ can be traced back. But, as he was forced to labour, to use and develop tools, the principle of hope, the „positive“, the „affirmative“, emancipation also dawned into human consciousness. Thus, the unity and contradiction of violence-emancipation was established, but nothing about “violence-peace“ appeared in antiquated African imagination. Hence, Man is born in natural violence, he did not create violence, in other words, violence, in this sense, is natural, even positive to the process of human production. Without this natural violent threat human society, history could never have developed. From this point of view, „violence“ is not such an ugly word, as the „lords of the earth“ want us to make-believe. There are „mediating forces“ between the categories „violence-emancipation“, that is, they are relative to each other, emancipatory violence and violent emancipation.



In Africa, eventually the contradiction Man-Nature, gained more „essence“, and developed into Society-Nature, taking on various „appearance“ forms, and spreading its „content“ across the globe. With higher specialization, a more developed technology, division of labour, the emergence of classes, the genesis of private property of the means of production, etc., a new contradiction was created by Man directly in Society, a class contradiction, and thus, social class violence entered into the world, and into Africa. From a primary contradiction, a secondary one developed. Violence now developed into a new appearance form, class rule, ruling class violence. And, emancipation became class struggle. Class violence took on many appearance forms, religious persecution, political repression, economic exploitation, “racial“ discrimination, degradation of the woman, etc. At present class violence has reached such an intensity that once more the very existence, the essence of humanity, is threatened by total destruction, not so much by a nuclear holocaust, but by capitalism itself. The secondary contradiction has developed to an immediate primary contradiction again, and it essentially coincides with the original one: Society-Nature. The very human process of production, history is at stake.



In this context „violence“ has to be seen in South Africa; this is how Trotsky had conceived it when he supported social revolution in South Africa; and this is how it should be truly reflected in the African „imagination“. Whether the end of human history is „positive“, „affirmative“, „bad“ or „sad“ for mankind, is not the question. The problem is to comprehend our place and role within the universal process, in the motion of living matter.

VIOLENCE AND EMANCIPATION

Violence is a contradiction to Emancipation. In a certain sense, it tends to obstruct, to decelerate the motion of liberation, but motion itself is a function of totality, and it is our function, our objective too, thus, we have to be on the move to freedom. Our current problem is the Marxian dialectical leap to the „realm of necessity“, and further to the „realm of freedom“. And, in this respect, another dialectical category, “continuity-discontinuity“, a hybrid situation, gains great significance, especially in an epoch of „transition“ and transformation. „What is to be done?“ (Lenin) can be discovered in Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution, which has its genesis in Marx’s theory-praxis itself. And, concerning what has been stated above, Trotsky's theory of uneven and combined development precisely explains the problem „continuity-discontinuity“.



That violence can be eradicated in South Africa, in Africa, in the world, is a material possibility, and we know the method of how to accomplish this. The method can be found in the whole process of theory-praxis of emancipation throughout human history, and not only in the written works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, etc. Philosophically, already Greek philosophers like Anaximander or Heracleitus had used the dialectical method to explain the world out of itself. If we study ancient Asian, African and South American thought scientifically, we will probably discover that early Man in those regions had also done the same. In fact, the process of human production, history, could not have developed, if this method had not been applied, even though it was accidental or unconsciously. The relevance of Scientific Socialism is that we now know how to make history consciously.



As Marx had stated, capitalism, which in its essence is violence, violent exploitation, was born into the world, “.... from head to toe, with blood, flowing from all its pores“. 20) So it entered Africa and South Africa. And, so it is essentially today still. Apartheid, Nazism, Fascism are just some of its most obvious appearance forms. In its essence wages the permanent class struggle, capital versus labour. In that dialectical struggle violence and emancipation find their flowing location.



Now, for praxical purposes, the science of motion, dialectics, operates with the categories „proletariat-bourgeoisie“,“workers-capitalists“, but they are abstract-logical concepts, they have constantly to be verified on the real historical terrain. The Black mineworkers of South Africa are not identical with Marx’s concept of „proletariat“ in the Communist Manifesto of 1848. Hence, dialectics is not a dogma or a „Workers’ Bible“, it is the proletariat’s theory of knowledge, whose práxis is permanent revolution. Knowledge is an instrument to conserve homo sapiens sapiens, but, at the same time to revolutionize it. Thus, scientific knowledge is directed against all appearance forms of violence which threaten human survival. Ernest Mandel: „Knowledge is, therefore, born of the social practice of humanity; its function is to perfect this practice.” 21)



REVOLUTIONARY PRÁXIS-THEORY

This brings us to the exposition of the dialectical category: revolutionary „praxis-theory“ in general, and more specifically, in South Africa. Each thing, each movement has characteristics or peculiarities which are specific to it. Violence in South Africa has a specific „racial“ oppressive feature, which is not the case for example, in Switzerland or Venezuela. But, both can only be explained and comprehended within the framework of a larger entity, capitalist class violence. It follows, by applying the category „general-specific“, that the class struggle in South Africa will have its specific „práxis-theory“, but, it is part of the general world revolution.



Concerning the peculiarity of the South African revolution, Trotsky wrote in his „Letter“: „In so far as a victorious revolution will radically change not only the relation between the classes, but also between the races, and will assure to the Blacks that place in the State which corresponds to their numbers, in so far will the social revolution in South Africa also have a national character.“ 22)



Stressing the specificity of the South African situation, Trotsky appealed to the South African „proletarian“ party to „solve the national question by its own methods“. This is how Trotsky had operated in revolutionary praxical matters, and not with Comintern directives. But, he immediately related the specific to the generals „The historical weapon of national liberation can only be the CLASS STRUGGLE.“ 23) He gave no relevance, in a revolutionary sense, to the „race struggle“, „passive resistance“, „civil disobedience“, „non-violence“, etc. These mainly preoccupied the South African Communist Party, obeying Stalin's directives, and the „Congress“ movement of South Africa.

MARXIAN PRÁXIS-THEORY

Now, what is the Marxist conception of „práxis-theory“, which Trotsky was applying here in the South African context? Marx, in his first critique of Hegel, emphasized that „theory becomes a material force when it grips the masses“ 24), that is, when it „heightens“ their consciousness, giving them „confidence in their strength“ (Trotsky). In concrete terms, it means that the working masses of South Africa have to convert revolutionary theory, the dialectical method, into an instrument, a weapon of social revolution. How the relation práxis-theory comes into being, Marx had explained in the same essay: „It is not enough that thought should seek to realize itself; reality must also strive towards thought.“ 25) It is a dual dialectical movement, and even reality, affected and changed by praxis, can „strive“. Earlier, in another work, the otherwise very sober and awake Marx, spoke about a „dream“ to be realized „consciously“: „It will then be realized that the world has long since possessed something in the form of a dream which it need only take possession of consciously, in order to possess it in reality.“ 26)



Finally, concerning práxis-theory, Marx came to the conclusion, in the Theses on Feuerbach that it is not a matter of just interpreting the world in different ways, the point, is to change it. Trotsky had urged the South African „proletarian party“ that it „should in words and in deeds openly and boldly take the solution of the national (racial) problem in its hands.“ ( my emphasis) 27)



It is evident that. the emancipatory movement in South Africa, which is aimed against all forms of violence, necessitates the essential guide of the dialectical unity of práxis and theory. Such unity, however, cannot be realized without a real, concrete revolutionary organization. The eradication of class violence is not an individual task, it is the historic objective of South Africa's masses, as a totality, in motion.



Ever since Sharpeville, and particularly since Soweto, more than ever a true revolutionary organization is necessary in South Africa to unite the workers’ and students’ struggles. Ernest Mandel: „The function of a permanent revolutionary organization is to facilitate a reciprocal integration of student and working class struggle by their vanguards in a continuous way. There is not simply a continuum in time but also, so to speak, a continuum in space in the form of a continuity between different social groups who have the same socialist revolutionary purpose.“ 28)



In this respect, Trotsky was not blinded by „racial barriers“, already in 1933, half-a-century ago, he saw the possibility of revolutionary White students and workers joining the emancipation struggle: „The revolutionary party must put before every White worker the following alternative: either with British imperialism and with the White bourgeoisie of South Africa, or, with the Black workers and peasants against the White feudalists and slaveowners and their agents, in the ranks of the working class itself.“ 29) As we can see, this clarion call for unity was not a simple moral matter, but a principled question, based on revolutionary práxis-theory. Also, in this case, the White workers have first to develop a „heightened“ political consciousness, uniting revolutionary action and thought, because „any form of theory which is not tested through action is not adequate theory, it is useless theory from the point of view of the emancipation of mankind.“ (Mandel). 30)



The immediate objective of the South African revolution, of the workers of South Africa, is the struggle to acquire political power, State power. On February 4, 1921, when the Bolsheviks were in power, and Trotsky was making an important contribution in práxis-theory, writing on The Paris Commune, he stated: „Revolution is the open test of strength between social forces in the struggle for power“. He continued, giving a picturesque scene of how the dialectical method functions in theory-praxis, changing quantity into quality: „The popular masses revolt, set in motion by elemental vital impulses and interests, often without any conception of the paths and goals of the movement: one party writes ‘law and justice’ on its banners, another ‘order’; the ‘heroes’ of the revolution are ,guided by a consciousness of ‘duty’, or are carried away by ambition; the behaviour of the army is determined by discipline and fear, enthusiast, self-interest, routine, soaring flights of thought, superstition, self-sacrifice - thousands of feelings, ideas, moods, capabilities, passions, throw themselves into the mighty whirlpool, are seized by it, perish or rise to the surface; but the objective sense of a revolution is this - it is a struggle for State power in the name of reconstruction of antiquated social relationships.“ 31)



The above also shows the movement „concrete-abstract-concrete“, that „truth is always concrete“ (Lenin), and that „truth is the totality“ (Hegel). Classless society in Africa had produced class society; the South African revolution, as part of the totality of the African revolution, has the historic objective to produce on a higher degree again a classless society. Trotsky: „But more important, in all probability, will be the influence which a Soviet South Africa will exercise over the whole of the Black Continent.“ 32) The dialectical category „probability-inevitability“ more and more gains relevance, as the South African revolution advances. 33) But, the African revolutionaries have to be clear about what they want to negate, and whereto they want to surpass. As the dialectician Spinoza had emphasized: „Every determination is a negation“.

VIOLENCE AND CAPITALISM

It is the essence of violence in apartheid South Africa, capitalism, which emancipation is determining, negating and surpassing. Consciously this emancipatory movement, through emancipatory violence and violent emancipation, currently, is surpassing through the hybrid, transitory phase of the social revolution in South Africa. To achieve this goal the revolutionaries are using thought processes, the laws of the dialectics, as revolutionary instruments, to eliminate the various obstacles - that is why the students of Soweto exploded so violently, and why South Africa's Gestapo reacted so violently. But, goals are dialectically interconnected with means. Mandel: „Only certain means, the sum total of whose effects will actually bring us nearer to the goal, are efficient from that point of view. ... Both the capacity for fixing goals (including inventing new ones), and the constraints which imprison the choices of goals and means, characterize the dialectics of knowledge.“ 34) Trotsky was very clear about the political goal of the South African revolution: „The overthrow of British imperialism in South Africa is just as indispensable for the triumph of socialism in South Africa as it is for Great Britain itself.“ 35) In particular, it is the overthrow of imperialism in South Africa, and the achievement of socialism, but this process, in general, is directly dialectically linked with the overthrow of imperialism on a world scale, and the realization of world socialism.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, now it becomes clear why the term „violence“ cannot be „limited“ to its „normal“ (which is generally its bourgeois, ideological) connotation, that is, only to its physical, moral and psychological meaning. It is because it is the negation, contradiction of emancipation. Emancipation gives violence its essential connotation. Also, the term “African“ is an abstract-theoretical concept, like „mode of production“, it has to be related dialectically to the emancipatory struggle, 36) to the world revolution. The „African imagination“ is „African thought“, „African philosophy“, the particular of the general, „Proletarian Thought“, „Proletarian Philosophy“, Scientific Socialism, Marxism.



(Written originally in La Pedregosa, Mérida, Venezuela, 28th September, 1983.)



Notes



1) Parts of this letter are published in: Franz J. T. Lee, Südafrika vor der Revolution?, Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1973, pp. 185-188. The complete text was originally printed in „Workers’ Voice“, Cape Town, November 1944, Volume 1, No. 2, pp. 18-20.

2) Lee, op. cit., p. 186.

3) See: Ginestra Amaldi, The Nature of Matter, Translated by Peter Astbury, University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London, 1982; George Novack, The Origins of Materialism, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1979, 4th Printing.

4) See: George Novack, An Introduction to the Logic of Marxism, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1978, Fifth Edition, pp. 17-20, 70. Also: Ernest Mandel, Introduction to Marxism, Ink Links, London, 1979, pp. 157-170.

5) Novack, An Introduction ..., op. cit., p. 70. Mandel, Introduction ..., op. cit., p. 158

6) Leon Trotsky, In Defense of Marxism, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1981, 3rd Ed., pp. 50, 51.

7) ibid. p. 51.

8) Ernest Mandel, Late Capitalism, Verso, London, 1980, 2nd Impr., pp. 13-20.

9) Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. 3, (Kerr Edition), London, 1972, p. 797.

10) Novack, Introduction ..., op. cit., p. 113.

11) Lee, Südafrika ..., op. cit., p. 185.

12) Mandel, Late Capitalism, op. cit., p. 14.

13) ibid.

14) Lee, Südafrika ..., p.186.

15) See: Franz J. T. Lee, „Raíces históricas y socio-económicas de la ideología del ‘racismo’: Sudáfrica y Guyana“, in: Guyana Hoy, edited by Rita Giacalone de Romero, Editores Corpoandes, Editorial Venezolana C. A., Mérida, Venezuela, 1982, pp. 13 - 83. Also see: No Sizwe, One Azania, One Nation, Zed Press, London, 1979.

16) Lee, Südafrika…, p. 188

17) Franz J. T. Lee, „Dependency and Revolutionary Theory in the African Situation“, in Political Science in Africa, edited by Yolamu R. Barongo, Zed Press, London, 1983, p. 184.

18) Leon Trotsky, Portraits: Political and Personal, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1977, pp. 189-190, 202, 203.

19) Mandel, Introduction ..., p. 167.

20) Karl Marx, Das Kapital, Band I, Dietz Verlag, Ost-Berlin, S. 800-801. My free translation - FJTL.

21) Mandel, Introduction ..., op. cit., p. 169.

22) Lee, Südafrika ..., op. cit., p. 186. For an indepth analysis of Trotsky’s „Letter“, see: ibid., pp. 117-123.

23) ibid., p. 186.

24) Karl Marx, The Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, in: Early Writings edited by T. B. Bottomore, London, p. 52.

25) ibid., p. 54.

26) Karl Marx, Aus dem literarischen Nachlass von Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels und Ferdinand Lassalle (Nachlass), herausgegeben von Franz Mehring, (4 Vols.), Band I, (Correspondence of 1843), Stuttgart, 1902, pp. 382-383.

27) Lee, Südafrika ..., p. 186.

28) Ernest Mandel, The Revolutionary Student Movement: Theory and Practice, pamphlet, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1971, 2nd Ed., p. 15.

29) Lee, Südafrika ..., p. 188.

30) Mandel, The Revolutionary Student ..., op. cit., p. 11.

31) Leon Trotsky, On The Paris Commune, pamphlet, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1972, Second Ed., p. 11.

32) Lee, Südafrika ..., p. 188.

33) See: Franz J. T. Lee, Südafrika am Vorabend der Revolution, lnternationale Sozialistische Publikationen Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1976, S. 51-63, 198-202. Also: Franz J. T. Lee, Technische Intelligenz und Klassenkampf, S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1974, S. 91-103.

34)Mandel, Introduction ...,pp. 165, 166.

35Lee, Südafrika vor der Revolution?, op. cit., p. 188.

36)How, for example, this international struggle is interlinked through the problem of „racism“, and its overthrow by social revolution, and the realisation of socialism, in the case of South Africa (Africa) and Guyana (South America), see: Franz J. T. Lee, „Raíces históricas y socio-económicas de la ideología del ‘racismo’: Sudáfrica y Guyana“, in: Guyana Hoy, recopilado por Rita Giacalone de Romero, Editores Corpoandes, Editorial Venezolana C. A., Mérida, Venezuela, 1982, pags. 12-83. An English version, revised and abridged, will be published by the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria, as Occasional Paper No. 2, in early 1984.

THE HISTORY OF MUSINGA

Yuhi V MUSINGA, the King of Rwanda 1897 - 1931
Photograph taken from « Au plus profond de l’Afrique : Le Rwanda et la colonisation
Allemande 1885-1919, de Gudrun Honke »
Other suggested lessons:
- The impact of the introduction of industrial crops.
- Education during the colonial era.
- The consequences of Mortehan Reform in political-administrative domain.
- The introduction of ethnic identity card.
MODULE III: POSTCOLONIAL RWANDA (1962-1990)
Introduction
Theoretically Rwanda obtained its independence in July 1962, however the country
continued to evolve around a certain colonial logic “divide and rule” which compromised
the national unity of Rwanda.
Theme: Regional and Ethnic Segregation
The First and Second Republics are known not for their democratic ideals but regional
and ethnic discrimination which were institutionalized.
A. Overview
First initiated by the colonial power with Mortehan reform since 1962, discrimination
opened only for the Tutsi the way to the best schools, government or private posts and
more particularly territorial ones.
When in 1950 the Tutsi elite claimed independence, the colonial power used opposition
Hutu elites against them. These Hutu elites aspired more for colonial functions which
they were denied, rather than the country’s independence in 1962. Indeed, the Hutu elites
inherited the country from the colonialists.
The first republic put in action ethnic discrimination against Tutsi in the sectors of public
life (schools, army, public service, territorial service, etc).
The second republic, since 1973, radicalized discrimination against Tutsi and initiated
regional discrimination against Hutu from the central and southern part of the country.
These different forms of segregation constituted serious human rights violations and
somehow prepared the way for the genocide of the 1990’s.
Discriminatory practices under the colonial regime
The colonial Belgium administration chose nationals from the Tutsi group as their
auxiliaries in the colonization. This choice had a negative impact on social relations
between Chiefs and Deputy Chiefs and the rest of the colonized population who were
forcefully imposed on them.
The social Rwandan body divided itself slowly by slowly into rulers (Tutsi) and the ruled
group (Hutu) forming two rival groups whose confrontation became inevitable in 1959.
This confrontation between Tutsi and Hutu under the arbitration of the representatives of
the Belgium power resulted into the victory of Hutu political parties (Aprosoma,
Parmehutu, etc) over Tutsi parties (RADER, UNAR, etc).
Finally, the excluded of yesterday, the Hutu was hoisted into power by colonial regime to
replace its former collaborator the Tutsi, the excluded of today.
Therefore, discrimination inspired by colonization was exercised against Tutsi and his
descendents throughout the First Republic and later on by the Second Republic. This will
not only be ethnic but also regional discrimination.
Discriminatory practices under the First Republic
Ethnic racism was institutionalized against Tutsi by excluding them from schools, the
public service, the army, the central administration and finally by committing mass
massacres against them. Those among them who escaped from killings sought refuge
outside the country or re-settlement sites within the country.
Until 1968, the Kayibanda regime was subject to Inyenzi (refugees outside the country)
attacks and as a reaction to each attack the regime carried out retaliations against Tutsi
who remained in the country by using brutal interrogations, emissary torture and killings.
Systematic killings of Tutsis in Gikongoro (1963/1964) were carried out by Hutus armed
with machetes, spears and clubs with the support of Kigali government emissaries. Many
observers believed, beyond any suspicion, to a genocide that took away not less than
10,000 lives.
After crushing the attacks of Inyenzi, the regime faced opponents with regional aspect
within Parmehutu party. The group from the North opposed the group from Gitarama,
which practiced a radical regional nepotism against the North.
Discriminatory practices under the Second Republic
The regime of President Habyarimana intensified ethnic and regional discrimination by
installing ethnic and regional quotas proportional to ethnic and regional representation in
the population. Therefore, access to Education and employment was distributed in favour
of Hutu from the North.
Hutu from the Central and South regions were removed from decision taking centers
while Tutsi were almost fully excluded from political posts and administrative functions
of the government.
During the 80's, the power was exercised by people originating from the president's
region of birth, Bushiru (Gisenyi) and more particularly by a very small group made
essentially by the brothers-in-law of the president and their close confidants. The general
environment was racketeering and corruption of this political military ruling class which
marginalized more and wider sections of society.
It is then that voices were raised from almost everywhere to denounce abuses and
injustice and to claim democracy. The answer was the genocide of Tutsi and the killing of
Hutu opponents.
B. SOURCES AND REFERENCE MATERIALS
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Cahiers du Centre de Gestion des Conflits, Butare, Editions de l’UNR, 2003,
pp. 169-185.
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accomplir ses missions?, Mémoire, Kigali, ESM, 1990.
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Rwanda’s Rural Development », International Perspectives on Rural
Development, ed. Michael Lipton et al. Lewes : Univesity of Sussex, Institute of
Development Studies, 1984.
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communes », Les Projets de développement rural : réussites, échecs et stratégies
nouvelles, ed. NKUNDABASHAKA, A., VOSS, J., Butare, UNR, 1987.
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no 134, pp. 3-15.
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Banyarwanda dans la région des Grands Lacs, Université de Lille, 1992.
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Boeck, 1973.
24. Ibarwa y’abagaragu bakuru b’ibwami, Kinyamateka, nº22, 15 mars 1958, p2.
25. KABWETE MULINDA, C., L’idée de démocratie au Rwanda de 1948 à 1994,
Mémoire de Licence, Butare, UNR, 1997.
26. KAGABO, J.H., « La question des réfugiés rwandais, Enjeux nationaux et
dynamiques regionales dans l’Afrique des Grands Lacs, » URA CNRS no 363
« Tiers Monde/Afrique », Faculté des Sciences Economiques et Sociales,
Université des Sciences et Technologie de Lille.
27. KAGAME, A., Inganji Karinga, Kabgayi, 1943.
28. KAWEMA, M.C., L’émancipation de la femme au Rwanda (1975-1991),
Mémoire de Licence, Butare, UNR, 2002.
29. KAYIBANDA, B., “La femme rwandaise et son rôle dans l’évolution du
Rwanda”, Dialogue, mai-juin 1998.
30. KAYIMAHE, V., France-Rwanda. Les coulisses du génocide. Témoignage d’un
rescapé, Editions Dagorno, 2001.
31. ‘Kwiyuburura kwa MRND kujyane no kwicuza » In: Kinyamateka, no 1334, pp.
1,7,10.
32. LACGER, L. (de), Le Ruanda, Kabgayi, 1959.
33. Le coopérateur Trafipro’ 12/11/88 .
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35. LUGAN, B., Histoire du Rwanda. De la préhistoire à nos jours, Bartillat, 1997.
36. LUGAN B., Sources écrites pouvant servir à l’histoire du Rwanda In : Etudes
Rwandaises, n° spécial, 5, XIV, 1980.
37. MAHMOOD Mamdani, When Victims Become Killers. Colonialism, Nativism
and the Genocide in Rwanda, Kampala, Fountain Publishers, Cape Town, David
Philip, Oxford, David Philip, 2001.
38. MANIRAGABA B. Le mythe des fils de Gihanga ou l’histoire d’une fraternité
toujours manquée In : BANGAMWABO, FX et alii, Les relations interethniques
au Rwanda à la lumière de l’agression d’octobre 1990. Genèse, soubassements et
perspectives, Ruhengeri, Editions Universitaires du Rwanda, 1991, pp-61-129.
39. MBUGULIZE, E., « Autosuffisance alimentaire : mythe ou réalité ?’ », Dialogue,
Juillet-Aout 1986, no 117, pp. 5-15.
40. MINEPRISEC, Des disparités ethiques et régionales dans l’enseignement
secondaire rwandais, Kigali, 1986.
41. MFIZI, C., Les lignes de faite du Rwanda indépendant, Kigali, ORINFOR, 1983.
42. MUKANKUBITO, A., Le rôle politique de l’enseignement catholique au
Rwanda de 1959 à 1994, Mémoire de Licence, Butare, UNR, 1999.
43. MUGARAGU, L., Le recrutement au sein des Forces Armées Rwandaises,
mémoire, Kigali, ESM, 1990.
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n’iyakabiri 1959-1990, Kigali, Les Editions Rwandaises, 2004.
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Lumière et Société. Dialogue II, no 14 juin 1999, p. 50.
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rwandaise de 1975 à 2000 : Education et prise de décision, Mémoire de Licence,
Kigali, KIE, 2004.
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Licence, Kigali, KIE, 2004.
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51. NJOROGE, GK.& RUBAGIZA, J., History of Education. Distance Training for
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52. NYAGAHENE A., Histoire et peuplement . Ethnies, clans et lignages dans le
Rwanda ancien et contemporain, Paris, Presses UnIversitaires du Septentrion,
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53. NYIRASAFARI, G., « La situation de la femme rwandaise », Dialogue, no 26,
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55. OGOT B, Building On the Indigenous. Kisumu, Anyange Press, 1998.
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Interviews
Ruhashya, E., Colonel of Ex-Far. retired, interviewed 20.08.2004
Anonym, colonel in Ex-Far, interviewed …
Kanimba, colonel of Ex-FAR and RDF
Sabina Ndahimana, Teacher for Kinyarwanda languages, Lycée de Kigali, 24.09.2004
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HTM, 06.09.2004
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C. Cross – Cutting Themes
1. Economic growth and crisis (1962-1990)
2. Rwandan refugee’s problems (1962-1990)
3. Socio-cultural evolution (1962-1990)
D. Teaching Commentary and Historical Detail for the Teacher
Part 1: Myths and Divisionism Ideologies in Rwanda
Immigrations
Africa is a continent, which experienced many migrations. At the beginning of this era,
Bantu people started a long migration. From a starting point called “pre-Bantu” near lake
Chad, some families of agriculturalists went up to central of Africa and established
themselves in the region called Luba-Bembe in Katanga savannah they were using iron
tools. This first group of cultivators dominated very quickly local populations who were
living by picking and hunting (…) between the 7th and 10th century AD, these people
arrived in Rwanda, bringing with them agriculture and iron.
Source: HEREMANS, R., 1973, 22-23.
.
b) Kinship among social groups in Rwanda
•Version 1
Gihanga had three sons equally courageous. He did not know seasons for any growing.
By then people cultivated anytime. As a result, crops were sometimes good and others
bad. One day, Gihanga sent his sons Gahutu & Gatutsi to Kibariro (the cultivator) to have
appropriate information on cultivation.
Before Gahutu and Gatutsi arrived, they came to the place where people were
slaughtering a cow. Gahutu told them “let me show you how to do it” he cut up the cow
and he was given some meat for the work done. Gahutu put the meat on Gatutsi’s head
and continued. They arrived to Kibariro who had organized a collective work in his
fields.
Those who were cultivating gave Gahutu and Gatutsi some beer. Gatutsi did not want to
drink, but Gahutu did so. When Kibariro saw that Gatutsi refused to drink, he called him
and gave it to him in a secret place alone.
Gahutu told Kibariro that they had a message addressed to him by their father Gihanga.
Kibariro responded that he would receive it after at night. They went to sleep. At night
Gahutu started vomiting and because of that, Gatutsi went to sleep in the same room as
Kibariro. When Kibariro woke up he asked his wife why Gihanga’s sons did not come to
deliver to him the message sent by father. He added: “if they come late, I will tell them
nothing or I will lie to them.”
Kibariro began to tell his wife about different seasons of cultivation. “The first month is
September and when it appears people saw beans. Fields are prepared for sorghum in
October and November. It is cut and harvested in July and then cows come to graze at
these places; August is the end of the year.
Thus Gatutsi who was the same room heard all these and returned to his guesthouse. The
following morning, when Gahutu got up, he went to Kibariro but Kabiriro lied to him.
Every time Gahutu asked for more explanations, Kibariro would tell him that he could
not talk to deaf people.
They went back home and when Gihanga saw them; he felt happy and demanded for a
report. Gahutu said that Kibariro talked too so much that he could understand nothing.
Gihanga got angry, because his eldest son could not provide the required information.
Gatutsi took his father aside and told him all about the seasons and the bad behavior of
Gahutu during their trip. Gihanga ordered Gatutsi to kill Gahutu, but he refused. Gihanga
told Gahutu; “You will not be a chief as planned, but Gatutsi will be your master; he will
scorn Gatwa.” Since then and thereafter Gahutu did not sleep and Gihanga told him that
he would be Gatutsi’s watchman and his client. Moreover, he would receive milk from
Gatutsi and would have no cows. Gatwa would be the carrier for Gatutsi.
.
Source: BIGIRUMWAMI, A., Ibitekerezo, Indirimbo, Imbyino, Ibihozo, Inanga,
Ibyivugo, Ibigwi, Imyato, Amahamba n’amazina y’Inka, Ibiganiro, Nyundo 1972, pp-11-
12- MANIRAGABA B. Le mythe des fils de Gihanga ou L’histoire d’une fraternité
toujours manqué In: BANGAMWABO, F.X. et alii, Les relations interethniques au
Rwanda à la lumière de l’agression d’octobre 1990. Genèse, soubassements et
perspectives, Ruhengeri, Editions Universitaires du Rwanda, 1991, pp-61-129.
•Version 2
From Wilhem Mensching, a protestant missionary who worked in Kirinda from 1912 to
1916 and gathered interesting texts of oral tradition
Imana created Hutu, Tutsi and Twa and the girl. One day, Imana called them and poured
some milk in four pots and gave one to each one. Imana asked them to keep the milk
without sleeping until he would come back. They waited but got tired. The foam of
Gahutu’s milk got out the pot and fell on his hands. He licked it. The Tutsi milk also did
the same a bit. The girl’s milk foam poured on her breasts. Gatwa waited for a long time,
got annoyed and drank the whole milk and slept. When Imana came back, he asked
questions to everybody to know what happened. Then Imana fixed the destiny of
everybody accordingly. To Hutu whose milk poured on his hands said to him; “work in
fields for Tutsi and make baskets and carpets for him”. For the girl, Imana said, “your
milk is in your breasts. Let Hutu marry you and give you milk”. For Tutsi who kept some
of his milk, Imana said, “if you get ten cows, five will die and you will stay with five. If
you have twenty cows, ten will die and you will remain with ten”. For Twa, Imana said,
“go and be a porter, damned for Tutsi so that he gives something, damned for the king so
that he gives you something”.
•Version 3
Gahutu and Gatutsi were walking together and met Imana. He called Gahutu and ordered
him to beat the earth; Gahutu had planed to travel and die, he refused and said, “No, my
father, I cannot beat the earth with my stick”. Imana ordered the same thing to Gatutsi
who obeyed and suddenly a flock of cows got out the earth. Then Imana told Gahutu,
“You are Hutu, you think much about your life. Gatutsi must be your boss”. And the tale
concludes that Gahutu regretted what he had done and thus Hutu were dominated by
Tutsi because they were not intelligent.
Source: BIGIRUMWAMI, A.,Ibitekerezo, Indirimbo, Imbyino, Ibihozo, Inanga,
Ibyivugo, Ibigwi, Imyato, Amahamba n’amazina y’Inka, Ibiganiro, Nyundo 1972, pp-11-
12- B. Cité par MANIRAGABA In: BANGAMWABO, FX & al, 1991 : 61-129.
2. Views of missionaries and colonialists about Rwandan “ethnic groups”
•Concerning Hutu or Tutsi leadership, Bishop Classes told President Mortehan, in
1927:
“If we wish to be practical and look for the true interest of the country, we have in the
Tutsi youth an incomparable element of progress that anybody who knows Rwanda
cannot underestimate. Eager to know and to learn whatever comes from Europe and to
imitate Europeans, they are entrepreneurs, sufficiently aware that ancestral customs have
no reason to be, however they conserve ancient political sense and the skills of their race
to conduct people, these young men have the required potential for the country’s future
economic well being.
“Ask Bahutu if they wish to be led by commoners or nobles, the answer is simple; they
prefer Batutsi and for a cause. Chiefs by birth, they have the sense of ruling (…). It is the
secret of their settling in the country and their domination upon it.”
{Lacger, L. (de), 1959: 523.}
•In 1930, Bishop Classe continued to defend this policy in colonial places of power
representatives.
“The biggest mistake … that the government could make to itself and to the country
would be suppressing the Mututsi caste. Such a revolution would lead the country
directly to anarchy and to hateful anti-European communism. (…) in general terms, we
will have no better chiefs who are more active and intelligent, more capable of
understanding progress and even more accepted by the people than Batutsi. If any
anything it is particularly with them that the government will manage to develop the
country in all aspects.”
{LACGER, L. (de), 1959: 524.}
•R Kandt wrote in 1905
“If I can analyze and define honestly my feelings, I can say that they impressed me very
much. I have even today the same feelings (…) those people are barbarian with an
intellectual level a bit lower than mine. Hutu have a strange behavior. In presence of
their bosses, they are reserved and raise issues. But when we are alone with them, they
tell us almost everything we want and even what we do not ask them. I understand their
difficulties and question them when they complain about their oppression and their lack
of rights. Most of the time, I tell them to use their elbow and remind them that, their
number is 100 times bigger than that of Batutsi and they are only capable of complaining
like women.
(LUGAN, B., 1980: 132)
•The Duke of Mecklenburg wrote (1909):
“The manner in which Batutsi use their language is very distinctive. We have the
impression to have another class of people who have nothing in common with “blacks”
except the color of their skin.”
(LUGAN, B., “Sources écrites pouvant servir à l’histoire du Rwanda”, Etudes
Rwandaises, no special, 5, XIV, 1980, p.132)
•In 1931, Ryckmans, a Belgian administrator wrote:
(The Batutsi were created to reign-----nothing is surprising that the courageous Bahutu,
less crafty were enslaved by them without revolt.)
(LUGAN, B., “Sources écrites pouvant servir à l’histoire du Rwanda”, Etudes
Rwandaises, no special, 5, XIV, 1980, p. 26)
3. Propaganda and ideology in the 1950s:
•The racial problem
“Some wondered if it was a social conflict or a racial one. We think this is just literature.
However, we can say that: the problem is first of all the political monopoly of one race:
this political monopoly is becoming economic and social; this political, economical and
social monopoly becomes cultural as a result of discrimination done in Education and the
Bahutu are desperately condemned to remain inferior manpower… Ubuhake was
banished but it is replaced by that monopoly which is creating abuses and complaints
from the population…”
…On political point of view, if we agree that the Tutsi administration participated more
and more in the government of the country, we must point out that one system wanted to
replace the colonialism of the white to the Black, by another one of a Hamite to Muhutu.
We must predict difficulties, which can come from the Hamite origin domination on
other races, which were established, in the country long time before him. We want that:
1. Laws and customs are codified.
2. The promotion of the Bahutu in public positions be done
3. Mandate be determined for public positions and people can elect someone else
after or the present officer be reelected if he gets satisfaction of the population..
4. The chiefs of provinces be withdrawn from “Councils of chiefs”
5. The National High Council be composed by the district delegates: every district
will be represented according to the number of its taxpayers, without excluding
Europeans who have definitively established their residence in the district…
In order to monitor this monopoly of one race, we are opposing for the time being the
suppression in official and private documents the mentions of “Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa”.
Their suppression risks to favor again discrimination and to prevent the statistic law to
establish the truth of facts. No one even said that it was the ‘word’, which annoys Hutu;
it is the privileges of one group.
(Source: Note sur l’aspect social du problème indigène au Rwanda (Le Manifeste des
Bahutu 24 Mars 1957) sur http://www.noublions-jamais-com/reaction-manif.htm, le
24/10/2004.)
•Reactions from 12 servants of the king “bagaragu b’ibwami bakuru” 17 May 1958:
What are relations between Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa? Hutu pretend that Tutsi, Hutu, Twa
are Kanyarwanda’s sons. But with whom did Kanyarwanda beget them, the name of
their mother and her family? …
We know that Kigwa was born long time before Kanyarwanda and consequently
Kanyarwanda came late after the existence of three races, which he found well
established. How could Kanyarwanda come before the existence of those he found alive?
It it possible to have a baby before own existence?
Bahutu pretend that Kanyarwanda is our common father. But Kanyarwanda is a son of
Gihanga, the son of Kazi, Merano, Randa, Kobo, Kijuru, Kimanuka, and Kigwa. Kigwa
found Bahutu in Rwanda. How can Tutsi be brothers of Hutu? The history shows that
Ruganzu killed many Hutu chiefs (abahinza) and conquered their domains. As our kings
killed Bahutu ones how can they pretend to be our brothers?
(Source: “Ibaruwa y’abagaragu b’ibwami”, Kinyamateka, 15 juillet 1958, no 14, p.2)
• Karake’s article published in Kinyamateka is a keen reply
I would like to tell you that we are all Rwandans, whether those who originate from
Kigwa, or from Mututsi and Nyampundu, even others who came before the abovementioned
from different areas, we are all brothers and sisters. We should all unite and
work together instead of creating divisionism among ourselves-and this is possible. All
of us; Tutsi, Hutu and Twa have to find the way of stopping hatred among ourselves. This
exists because of ethnic names’ misinterpretation (…)”
(Source: KARAKE, E “Ndasubiza abagaragu bakuru b’ibwami” In: Kinyamateka, no 22,
15 Nov 1958, p. 2)
• Kayibanda’s speech at a political meeting (1959):
“Our movement is for Hutu group. It has been offended, humiliated by Tutsi invaders.
We have to light the way for the mass. We are there to restitute the country to his
owners. It is the country of Bahutu. The little Tutsi came with the rich one. Who has
cleared the forest? It is GaHutu? Then what?
(ERNY P: 1994: 58)
•The First Republic
“During the first Republic, the only values admired were to be Hutu and to belong to an
ethnic majority of Hutu”13.
Source: Mahmood, Mandani: When Victims Become Killers, p.
•A Hutu’s slogan
“A Hutu knows how to cultivate the land, so Tutsi too learn how to cultivate; Rwanda has
got its true owners-the Hutu, so let the Hutu dominate’”.
(Source: UGIRASHEBUJA O., “Griefs objectifs Hutu Tutsi” quoted by NKUSI L.
“Crispation identitaire sous les deux rép.” in RUTEMBESA, F., et alii, Rwanda. Identité
et citoyenneté, Série no 7 des Cahiers du Centre de Gestion des Conflits, Butare, Editions
de l’Université Nationale du Rwanda, 2003, p.137)
•The First Republic
“During the first Republic, the only values admired were to be Hutu and to belong to an
ethnic majority of Hutu”13.
Source: Mahmood, Mandani: When Victims Become Killers, p.
•A Hutu’s slogan
“A Hutu knows how to cultivate the land, so Tutsi too learn how to cultivate; Rwanda has
got its true owners-the Hutu, so let the Hutu dominate’”.
•An article published in Kinyamateka by Sebaganwa.
“In fact, we are fighting for nothing, let us rejoice and feel satisfaction because our ethnic
group has power. Every one should appreciate his or her job. We should not have
‘bourgoumestres’, ministers, etc… who cling and fight for positions. No one seems to be
satisfied with his/her job. It is surprising that Bahutu brothers in PARMEHUTU party
are now busy fighting for power among them. Tutsis are now ordinary citizens and other
parties have no power, and this means that Hutus in power can do whatever they want;
then why should you fight among yourselves? It is very sad to see PARMEHUTU
members fighting among themselves-a thing that gives our enemies, the Tutsis
happiness”
(Source: SEBAGANWA, D., “Ntimukitane ba mwana” In: Kinyamateka no 29, Augusto
1966, p. 3)
4. Confusion of being a Mututsi, Muhutu or Mutwa in Rwanda? A reflection from
Mugesera (2004)
Being a Mututsi is not a tribe, it was a social status that came into being on basis of how
many cows one had. The same principle applied to a Muhutu. Gahutu was never taken for
a tribe. It was a social status that described Rwandans who were involved in cultivation
and usually succeeded to make a living from it. This is all about social formation
(Mugesera, 2004).
Any category of people in a social formation gets a name that describes its members in
accordance with their social status in order to show clearly the difference from one
category to another. It is for this reason that some Rwandans who made it to the high
social class due to wealth-in form of cows by then, were called batutsi (ibid, 2004).
. Is there Confusion in being a Mututsi, Muhutu or Mutwa in Rwanda? A reflection
from Mugesera (2004)
Being a Mututsi is not a tribe, it was a social status that came into being on basis of how
many cows one had. The same principle applied to a Muhutu. Gahutu was never taken for
a tribe. It was a social status that described Rwandans who were involved in cultivation
and usually succeeded to make a living from it. This is all about social formation
(Mugesera, 2004).
Any category of people in a social formation gets a name that describes its members in
accordance with their social status in order to show clearly the difference from one
category to another. It is for this reason that some Rwandans who made it to the high
social class due to wealth-in form of cows by then, were called batutsi (ibid, 2004).
The fact of being a Mututsi, Muhutu or Mutwa did never depend on the origin as
portrayed by the western people because none of the Rwandan people knew or thought
that they came from different places on different times. These issues of origin and
migration were colonial concepts (Interviewee in Kigali town, on 19/10/2004, at 4:00
pm).
In terms of social formation, some people who acquired a given status whether lower or
higher could join easily another category or class of people. In this case, a Muhutu who
acquired a good number of cows gained the status of a Mututsi and this was commonly
known as ‘kwihutura’, likewise, when a Mututsi was impoverished and began to
cultivate, he could be categorized easily as a Muhutu (Interviewee, Gikondo, on
24/9/2004 at 5:00pm).
The fact is that colonizers found these ‘classes’ in Rwanda, under the monarchy. Typical
of any monarchy, Rwandan monarchy too practiced some kind of oppression based on
these classes. But this was not ‘tribal or ethnic’ based or discrimination as portrayed by
colonizers and perpetuated by MRND PARMEHUTU which culminated into many
subsequent havoc (ibid, 2004).
5. Segregation Tendencies in the Rwandan Army
The first and second Republics were characterized by ethnic and regional discrimination
in almost all domains. Like any other sector in Rwanda, the Rwandan Army was also
affected by this segregation. The conditions of admission in the army were not supposed
to contain any form of discrimination, but this was not the case. Some Rwandans were
more favored than others.
The segregation ideology which characterized both Republics had its roots in colonial
military organization. The introduction of a Rwandese National Guard in the 1960s came
from the initiative of the then Belgian military representatives. This first group was
almost constituted by one “ethnic group”. Consequently the first and the second Republic
adopted this segregation tendency.
Rwanda was conquered by Belgian troops in 1916; as a result, Rwanda had remained
under a foreign military occupation for a long period of time. Till 1960 Rwanda was still
under Belgian administration and its military force composed of the government Force
and a group of policemen. During the 40 years of colonial rule, no Rwandan soldier was
recruited. According to the International regulation, no territory under trusteeship was
authorized to have an army1.
The government Force was composed of:
- Belgium officers only
The government Force was composed of:
- Belgiau officers only
- Junior-officers were mainly Belgians and Congolese natives.
- Soldiers who were recruited among Congolese2.
Congo got its independence and this was an opportunity to exclude Belgians from the
Public Force. Patrick Lumumba, the then Prime Minister gave instructions to Congolese
soldiers in Rwanda to leave and return to their own country. For this reason, the
Territorial Guard of Rwanda – Burundi was created on the 13th June 1960, before
elections took place. Few days later a school for junior-officers for both Rwanda and
Burundi was created in Usumbura. This type of command for both countries helped to
initiate a local military training for whose command was extended to those two
countries3.
According to BEM Guy Logiest, the then Belgian military resident, the Rwandese
territorial guard command was given to Major François Vanderstraeten. Many Belgian
deputy officers from different ranks were sent to Rwanda to support their staff4.
The Rwandese section of the school for junior officers was transferred from Usumbura to
Astrida (Butare) in November 1960. Some divisions the like of platoons, were created in
1 LOGIEST.G, Mission au Rwanda, Bruxelles, Didier-Hatier, 1988, p.15
2 SEBAGANDE, FX, Etudes des Institutions militaires pré-coloniales d’après 1960 au Rwanda, mémoire,
Kigali, ESM,1988, p.44 (translated from French)
3 LOGIEST, G., Mission au Rwanda, Bruxelles,Didier-Hatier.,1988, p.159
4 SEBAGANDE, G., Op Cit.p.45
provinces. On November 10, 1960 the school for officers was opened and seven students5
registered. Some of the students were; Juvenal Habyarimana, Aloys Nsekalije,
Bonaventure Ubalijoro and six of them were promoted to the rank of 2nd lieutenant on
December 23, 1961, and among them there was J. Habyarimana, the President of the
second Republic5. During the period between December 1962 and July 1967, Rwanda
encountered different incursions of “Inyenzi”, consequently, new units were created and
established on the boarder. In December 1973, the National Guard was called Rwandese
Army. In 1978, the National Army was merged by the National Police Force
(Gendarmerie) and later became the Rwandese Army Force6 (F.A.R)
Because of “Inyenzi” attacks, the FAR had two main objectives:
- To defend the Rwandan territory integrity
- To maintain the security of all Rwandans7
These attacks were aimed at eliminating the internal opposition by massacring civilian
population and thereafter begin segregation and even in addition to that carry out the
elimination of the opposition associated to Batutsi8. The region of Gikongoro was most
affected. These events constituted the origin of the explosion of the discriminatory and
regional ideology in the Rwandese army.
5 LOGIEST,G.,Op.Cit.,P.160
6 SEBAGANDE, FX, Op. cit., p.59
7 LOGIEST,G.,Op.Cit.,p.160.
8 GATWA, T., Rwanda, Eglises, Victimes ou coupables? 1900-1994, thèse de doctorat, Louvain, ,,1996,
p.117.
a) The segregation in the Rwandan army was a result of colonial attitudes
Testimony from G Logiest
“Since 1960, I was concerned about the departure of the Public Force when Congo
became independent. For unknown reasons, the security in Rwanda was Congolese
Force’s responsibility. We must remember that Rwanda was conquered by colonial
troops in 1916. So, naturally, the conquest was followed by a military occupation. What I
did not understand is that after 44 years later, the situation was unchanged no Rwandan
soldiers were recruited.
That situation was astonishing as in 1960; the colonial power had to be aware that in a
near future, Congo and Rwanda would become independent and then each one to have its
sovereignty. Did Léopoldville or Brussels hope that foreign troops, be it Congolese or
Belgian were going to stay after Rwanda became independent? (…)
Did they maybe dream of creating a “Belgian Commonwealth” in which the Belgian
army would ensure peace? It seems that no instruction was given for the creation of a
Rwandan force.
I had permission to send some Rwandans in a training camp in Congo, but it was not a
good solution (…) the problem became more serious for two reasons: one of them was
the union between Rwanda and Urundi which still existed. According to that principle,
both countries had to remain united even after independence. This solution, whose aim
was the prevention of a partition came from UN utopia. As a result this situation
complicated the creation of the defense institution, which Rwanda strongly needed.
The second reason was the presence of Belgian troops. Their command was organized at
the level of Rwanda-Urundi. Col BEM Delperdange had established his staff in
Usumbura. That command urged to create a local army with one command for both
countries. Colonel Van Damme, the then battalion commander of police took charge of
it. This new unit took the name of Rwanda-Urundi Territorial Guard and it was somehow
under the command of Belgian troops.
This was more complicated as Usumbura was far. The problems of Urundi raised more
concern than those of Rwanda, especially for military domain. But for me, the solution
was easy. I estimated that it was important to create for each of the ten territories of
Rwanda one mobile and well-equipped platoon as soon as possible. Moreover, it was
necessary to create a reserve battalion for intervention in the the whole country. For this
purpose, it was urgent to recruit at least 1,200 men and create one school for deputy
officers and another for officers with the provision of required materials.
But Usumbura and Kitega Residents in Urundi were not eager to arm a Rwandan unit
whose attitude they feared when independence would be granted. The Congolese events
had traumatized many people. From then, in that conception of a united Rwanda-Urundi,
the lack of trust delayed the creation of Rwandan units.
I traveled to Usumbura many times to convince them. Finally, the Territorial Guard of
Rwanda-Urundi was created on June 13, 1960, before communal elections took place.
Thereafter a school for junior-officers for both countries was created in Usumbura (…).
Two events marked this problem. The first one was elections in Rwanda and the big
victory Hutu political parties. People hoped for a normal and good evolution of events.
The second was the Congolese independence. The then Congolese Prime Minister
P.Lumumba excluded Belgian officers from the Public Force and ordered different units
to elect their own chiefs.
The first consequence was that I hurried to put up a local force composed of 14%, Tutsi
and 86%, Hutu officially, but this was practically almost 100% of Hutu.
The second consequence was the departure of many Belgian deputies -officers from ex-
Public Force. This allowed Rwanda to have good representation in the army. It was an
advantage for Hutu to have the majority in the national force.
The situation was clear for us. To a Hutu political majority we created accordingly a
national force (…). Despite of some reluctance, the Rwanda school of officers was
transferred from Usumbura to Astrida. On November 10, 1961, the school of officers was
opened with seven students. Six of them were promoted to the rank of second Lieutenant
on December 23, 1961. The brilliant chief of this promotion who was then 2nd Lieutenant
Juvenal Habyarimana, and was to become the second Rwandan president.
(LOGIEST, G., Mission au Rwanda, Bruxelles, Didier Hatier, 1988: 158-160)
b) Personal experience of a respondent
“I was among the first three Rwandan officers to join the military career. Among these
there were: Juvénal Habyarimana, Aloys Nsekalije, and later, Sabine Benda, Pierre
Nyatanyi, Alexis and Bonaventure Ubarijoro joined us.
Joining the military was not easy for me since every time I could sit for an interview, I
was told that I failed. Someone informed me later that I was admitted in the military
service on the ground that he knew my father, but later I discovered that I was
recommended by the United Nations.
The military in Rwanda used the “pignet system” to eliminate some individuals. It was a
system that scrutinized people basing on physical tests. Although Tutsi were allowed to
join the military, it was very hard for them to be admitted. Military officers would do
whatever they could to make them fail.
I did not find many problems at ESM (Ecole Supérieure Militaire) except some
accusations put on me that I was always having secret meetings with Ndazaro, Rukeba,
and Bwanakweli who were leaders of UNAR. I always appreciated what other officers
hated. For example I was sad when Patrick Lumumba and Louis Rwagasore died but
other officers were happy. When politicians were preparing for Kamarampaka elections,
they came to visit students and I was left in isolation. After Kayibanda’s victory on
26/9/61, during the celebration I was charged with ushering MPs of UNAR and Bishop
Bigirumwami, Jean Baptiste Gahamanyi and Joseph Sibomana because we were of the
same group while other officers were charged with ushering PARMEHUTU and
APROSOMA members.
There was a Whiteman nicknamed Cornichon who told me when Habyarimana became
Chief of Staff that I would be appointed minister of defense, If it was UNAR to succeed.
Habyarimana did not hide the segregation against Tutsi.
When I was promoted to second lieutenant and sent for further studies in Belgium on
23/12/61 my movements were always monitored so that I could not interact with my
colleagues at Astrida.
Anytime I was sent on the front line during Inyenzi attacks, I would be told, “go and fight
your brothers”. Many accusations were put on me that I was always in contact with
Inyenzi. I was surprised when the Chief of Staff during Nshili attack told me not to send
to the front Laurent Serubuga, commandant of Cyangugu region because his wife was
pregnant while he knew very well that place.
In 1966, during Buyenzi attack, in order to push Inyenzi, the Rwandan Army burnt many
houses. It was said that I was taking revenge on the population. There were many
accusations on my collaboration with Inyenzi. The reason was that I helped some Tutsi
to join the exile. Thus many politicians were unhappy with me.”
{Source: Interview with Col. Epimaque Ruhashya on 21/07/2004, at Gitega in Kigali.
(Translated from Kinyarwanda)}
Other experiences
The admission to the Rwandan military career was subject to an ethnic belonging
(affiliation). Hutu from the northern Rwanda were more favored, because after the “1959
crisis”, the first republic found that to be a Hutu was of a great value. In order to protect
the results of the “1959 revolution” the Kayibanda regime favored people from the
northern considering them as true Bahutu (not hybrid) capable of protecting the
revolution.
(Source: Col. Kanimba in a lecture at KIE)
Batutsi were excluded from the army. Some Tutsi changed their ethnic group on their
Identity cards to be admitted in military schools.
The “pignet” system at time was an opportunity to exclude those who were not needed.
And the response was that they did not fulfill requirements.
Another explanation to that northern influence in the Rwandan Army was that Rwandans
from the Central and the south occupied the important administrative positions. During
the first Republic, these most important positions were given to people from Gitarama
province because President Kayibanda was from that region. So, people from the north
were worried. Consequently, they found refuge in the army, where they became very
important.
The northern influence in the army began when the new chief of staff was
appointmented. Consequently young people from the south and the central Rwanda chose
to pursue their studies at the National University of Rwanda to have important positions
in government administration while young Hutu from the north chose to join their
cousins in the army
Source: Epimaque Ruhashya, the only Tutsi senior officer in the Rwandan Army during
both republics, interviewed on Aug 8th, 2004. 16”
When President Habyarimana took power in 1973, he held all the duties of the Minister
of Defense also that of Chief of staff and he dominated intelligence services from the top
to the bottom. The command of the military forces belonged only to people from Gisenyi,
Ruhengeri, and Byumba and particularly Bushiru-the native region of President
Habyarimana. These positions could not be given to Batutsi or Bahutu from the central
part of the country.
Batutsi were excluded from the army. Some Tutsi changed their ethnic group on their
Identity cards to be admitted in military schools.
The “pignet” system at time was an opportunity to exclude those who were not needed.
And the response was that they did not fulfill requirements.
Another explanation to that northern influence in the Rwandan Army was that Rwandans
from the Central and the south occupied the important administrative positions. During
the first Republic, these most important positions were given to people from Gitarama
province because President Kayibanda was from that region. So, people from the north
were worried. Consequently, they found refuge in the army, where they became very
important.
The northern influence in the army began when the new chief of staff was appointed.
Consequently young people from the south and the central Rwanda chose to pursue their
studies at the National University of Rwanda to have important positions in government
administration while young Hutu from the north chose to join their cousins in the army
Source: Epimaque Ruhashya, the only Tutsi senior officer in the Rwandan Army during
both republics, interviewed on Aug 8th, 2004. 16”
When President Habyarimana took power in 1973, he held all the duties of the Minister
of Defense also that of Chief of staff and he dominated intelligence services from the top
to the bottom. The command of the military forces belonged only to people from Gisenyi,
Ruhengeri, and Byumba and particularly Bushiru-the native region of President
Habyarimana. These positions could not be given to Batutsi or Bahutu from the central
part of the country.
Source: GATWA, T., Rwanda: Eglise, victime ou coupable? 1900-1994, Thèse,
Louvain, 1996, p.117.18.
Promotion and Marriages in the army
The promotion in the army and the appointment to important positions in the military
hierarchy followed either regional affinity or criteria. It should be noticed that all regions
of the country were trying to send their people to the military school (Ecole Supérieure
Militaire) in Kigali, but all regions were not well represented. Regional and ethnic
discrimination in the military was quite eminent19.
I was a military doctor at Kanombe Military Hospital. I underwent some physical tests to
qualify as a soldier. But the final decision belonged to Colonel Baransaritse from the
north. I was admitted but stayed on the same rank for five years although I had the
capacity and experience to head this military hospital. But this did not happen because I
was “Umunyenduga”
{Source: Ex-Far, officer (anonymous)}
Marriage between different ethnic groups was also a problem in the Rwandan army. It
was forbidden for a member of the army to marry “A mututsikazi”. Those who did so lost
their ranks and other advantages. For instance, Joachim MURAMUTSA had a Tutsi
fiancée. His pasport was confiscated when he was ready to leave for a military training in
Belgium.
(Source: E. Ruhashya (interviewed on August 8th, 2004).
Part III: Regional and Ethnic Segregation in Public and Private Service
For many years, Rwandan authorities decided to follow a policy of quota in its labor
market while appointing people in different positions. This policy determined quotas
according to regions and ethnic groups in the country. Both Hutu and Tutsi complained
about the quota system and compared it to apartheid regime of South Africa.
6. Regional Quota Balance
The government of Rwanda then claimed that, the objective of this policy was to avoid
regional disparities in public sector. All school leavers from secondary and tertiary
Education institutions were recruited by the central administration. It was not easy to
know the population of each region so as to recruit people proportionately. The
government did not have even appropriate national census to depend on while carrying
out this exercise.
To show these disparities in employment, let us use the results of 1978 census since the
proportions did not change considerably, despite some migrations due to the food crisis
of 1989-1990.
Table nº1: Rwandan population by province of birth
Province Nº of people %
Kigali 681,598 14.23
Gitarama 604,481 12.62
Butare 594,294 12.41
Gikongoro 369,288 07.41
Cyangugu 330,476 06.90
Kibuye 336,236 07.02
Gisenyi 467,533 09.76
Ruhengeri 530,820 11.08
Byumba 516,766 10.79
Kibungo 357,077 07.45
Total 4,788,569 99.67
To show the level of importance given to every province in the Public Service Sector, we
have used the rating of disparities, which allow comparing the percentage of each
province in central administration and the percentage of the same province for the whole
population. The balance is reached when the rating of disparity equals one. There is a
disparity when it is different from that value.
Table nº2: Distribution of Central Administrative Agents by provinces in 1989
Province Agents % Rating of disparity
Kigali 684 9 0.63
Gitarama 1,101 15 1.19
Butare 990 14 1.13
Gikongoro 663 9 1.16
Cyangugu 495 9 1.01
Kibuye 565 8 1.14
Gisenyi 830 11 1.13
Ruhengeri 1,007 14 1.26
Byumba 567 8 0.74
Kibungo 388 5 0.67
Total 7,280
The table nº2 shows that except for Kigali (R=0,63), Kibungo (R=0,67) and Byumba
(R=0,74), regional disparities are not very high because the rating is close to 1. It is a bit
high in Ruhengeri (R=1, 26) and Gitarama (R=1, 19).
The low figure shown above for Kigali must not be surprising; the population of this
province is overestimated, it includes people in Kigali city but they originate from all
other provinces. Kibuye and Byumba provinces are underrepresented.
Newly recruited workers
This global regional balance disappears when we consider people engaged in 1989. Table
nº3 shows that provinces like Kigali (21%) and Gitarama (21%) have high numbers.
The disparities are high in; Gitarama 1.96; Kigali 1.47. On the contrary, for Byumba
(R=0.44) Gikongoro (R=0.53), Kibungo (R=0.62) are underrepresented, the quota can be
noticed in Ruhengeri (R=1.1), Cyangugu (R=0.97) and Kibuye (R=0.94).
Table nº3: Number of people engaged in 1989 by provinces
Province Number % Rating of disparity
Kigali 490 21 1.47
Gitarama 476 24.8 1.96
Butare 186 8 0.64
Gikongoro 95 4.1 0.53
Cyangugu 156 6.7 0.97
Kibuye 155 6.6 0.94
Gisenyi 186 8 0.82
Ruhengeri 263 11.3 1.1
Byumba 111 4.8 0.44
Kibungo 107 4.6 0.62
Total 2,325 100
If we consider the suggestion that most of the job seekers were young and as we know
that the Ministry of Labor market was not able to employ all professionals available,
those quota were not proper and they had to be changed.
When we compare the number of job seekers and those effectively recruited by the Labor
market, we notice that the public service recruited an average of 42.6% of job seekers.
Thus Gisenyi (24.53%) and Cyangugu (34.4%) had a very little % of recruitments. On
the contrary, Ruhengeri (64%) and Kibungo (61%) were therefore favored more.
Table nº4: nº of job seekers and people recruited in 1989 by provinces
Province Job seekers Recruited %
Kigali 1,103 490 44.42
Gitarama 1,207 476 39.43
Butare 389 186 47.81
Gikongoro 354 95 26.86
Cyangugu 453 156 34.43
Kibuye 370 155 41.89
Gisenyi 758 186 24.53
Ruhengeri 411 263 63.99
Byumba 235 111 47.23
Kibungo 176 107 60.79
Total 5,456 2,325 42.60
One may wonder why there was such an inequality amongst job seekers. Table nº5 shows
that Gitarama (R=1.75), Kigali (R=1.42) and Gisenyi (R=1.42) were represented better
according to their population weight, while Byumba (R=0.40), Kibuye (R=0.44), Butare
(R=0.57) and Ruhengeri (R=0.68) were represented less.
Does this disparity show an inequality of those who completed their Education and also
an inequality in admissions? In reality, in 1989 Ruhengeri and Kibungo provinces
recruited at least 60% among job seekers, as indicated in table nº5.
Table nº5 of job seekers in 1989
Province Job seekers % Rating of disparity
Kigali 1,103 20.2 1.42
Gitarama 1,207 22.1 1.75
Butare 389 7.1 0.57
Gikongoro 354 6.5 0.84
Cyangugu 453 8.3 1.20
Kibuye 370 6.8 0.97
Gisenyi 758 13.9 1.42
Ruhengeri 411 7.5 0.68
Byumba 235 4.3 0.40
Kibungo 176 3.3 0.44
Total
7. Ethnic quota
It is not easy to know true ethnic proportions in Rwanda. The colonial masters presented
false data, which confirmed that Tutsi were 35% of Banyarwanda or even more.
When Richard Kandt, the first Germany resident crossed the country, looking for the
source of Nile, he was astonished that 3% of the population managed to dominate the
country during many centuries.” Kandt was not talking about all Batutsi, but a minority
of them, which had power.
Later, Belgians who replaced Germans estimated that Tutsi were 14% or 15% of the
whole population. The 1959 events forced in exile some Tutsi who did not accept the new
order. Later, the 1978 census sponsored by FNUAP showed that:
- Tutsi were 9.8%
- Hutu 89.8%
- Twa 0.4%
The figure mentioned above was rounded to 10% and used to calculate ethnic quota for
labor.
Table 6: Nº of population by nationality, ethnic group/1978 census
Ethnic group/nationality Total %
Hutu 4,295,275 89.7
Tutsi 467,587 9.77
Twa 22,140 0.46
Naturalized 3,567 0.07
Sub/total 4,788,567
Expatriate 41,911 0.8
Total 4,830,480
a) Quota in public service
According to the report of the Ministry of Labor, all the staff in Public Service was
7,290; amongst them Hutu were 6,189, 1,100 Tutsi and 3 Batwa. This means 85% of
Bahutu, 5% of Batutsi and Batwa were under-represented. The rating of disparity is 0.94
for Hutu and 1.5 for Tutsi, which meant that Tutsi, were over-represented according to
their number representation among the population.
Table 7: Distribution of Public Service Employees according to Ethnic group in the
Ministries
Ministry Total Bahutu Batutsi %
MINISANTE 2,091 1,690 400 19.1
MINIFIN 462 374 88 19
MINICOM 102 84 18 17.6
MINITRANSCO 520 430 90 17.3
MINAGRI 1,265 1,074 190 15
MINIJUST 172 143 29 16.8
MINIFOP 216 187 29 13.4
MININTER 712 633 78 10.9
MINITRAPE 360 315 44 12.2
MINIPLAN 149 116 29 19.4
We examined also the number of job seekers in 1989 and jobs obtained in the same year.
Table nº8 shows that among job seekers, Tutsi were 19.3%
Can we agree with BOURDIEU principle on reproduction, which affirms that children of
notables have an easy access to Education? As many Batutsi studied in the past, this
principle explains somehow the Tutsi over-representation. In reality in order to carry out
the quota, they had to reduce the Tutsi population in schools.
Table 8: Job seekers and people recruited in 1989
Job seekers Number % Ethnic group Number %
Hutu 4,240 80.3 Hutu 1,985 85.4
Tutsi 1,022 19.3 Tutsi 332 14.3
Twa 13 0.3 Twa 6 0.2
Natural 4 0.1 Natural 2 0.1
Total 5,279 Total 2,325
Data shows that out of 5,279 job seekers, 2,325 people who were recruited ( 44%) and
out of 1,022 Tutsi who applied for employment 332 were recruited (32.5%)and out of
4,240 Hutu job seekers, 1985 were recruited (46.8%). There were 2.27 applications at
national level.
b) Quota in other enterprises
The following data were collected in connection with both 463 government and private
enterprises according to Ministry of Labor on June 30. 1990. The analysis shows that
these 463 enterprises had 23,299 Rwandan workers (20,513 Hutu and 3,299 Tutsi and the
percentage of Tutsi was 13.85). Thus the rating of disparity is 1.4; this presents the lack
of balance for Tutsi.
Electrogaz in 1990 had 1,065 national employees with 815 Hutu and 249 Tutsi (23.38%)
with a rating of disparity at 2.3; there is also UTEXRWA, a textile factory for Indo-
Pakistan, which has 800 workers (613 Hutu and 167 Tutsi) that is 20.8% (h=2).
Commercial Bank of Rwanda, had 583 Rwandan workers, 518 were Hutu and 63 Tutsi
(10.8%). In the same year, out of 551 wage earners in the central Bank 4.96% were Hutu
and Tutsi (9.8) with R=1.
The same lack of balance was noticed in private enterprises having more than 80
workers. 15 enterprises use 3.966 wage earners: (Hutu=3,459, Tutsi=386) with the rating
of disparity of 0.97. This lack of balance was high in COLAS (R=0.073). RWANTEXCO
(R=0.7) SULFO-RDA (R=0.78) UTEXRWA (R=0.83) here the lack of balance is not
very high. On contrary, Deutsche Welle (R=2.8), ABAY (R=2.6), MURRI BROTHERS
(R=2.6) and ASTALDI (R=1.9) which had more representation of Tutsi. Elsewhere,
according to the following table, the balance was fine.
It is true that the policy of balance (ethnic and regional quota) is due to the underdevelopment
of our country. It can be justified for a certain period but not used forever.
With democracy and development, it will disappear. In a country with sub-groups like
Rwanda, the quota had to protect the minority.
SOURCE: UWIZEYIMANA, L., « L’équilibre ethnique et régional dans l’emploi », Dialogue, No 146,
Mai-juin, 1991, pp.15-31.
Institution Directors and their Region of Origin
INSTITUTION
DIRECTOR REGION
Crete Zaire Nil Gallican Hategeka Gisenyi
BCR Claver Mvuyekure Gisenyi
BK Viateur Mvuyekure Gisenyi
BACAR Pasteur Musabe Gisenyi
SOPROTEL Martin Ayirwanda Gisenyi
TRAFIPRO Ngororabanga Gisenyi
PNAP Pierre Tegera Gisenyi
Chambre de Commerce Aloys Bizimana Gisenyi
ISAAR Léopold Gahamanyi Gisenyi
Caisse Hypothécaire Antoine Libanje (replaced
Segasayo)
Gisenyi
Musée National Simon Ntigashira Gisenyi
OCIR-Thé Michel Bagaragaza Gisenyi
ORTPN Juvenal Uwilingiyimana Gisenyi
COOPIMAR Jean Mburanumwe Gisenyi
GBK Jean Bagiramenshi Gisenyi
SORWAL Mathieu Ngirira Gisenyi
Usine à Thé Shagasha Callixte Gisenyi
Usine à Thé Pfunda Munyeshuli Gisenyi
Usine à Thé Murindi Jaribu Gisenyi
We do not include international institutions like CEPGL, OBK, IRAZ, EGL, CEEAC and
embassies.
Caisse sociale J.Damascène Hategekimana Ruhengeri
Electrogaz Donat Munyanganizi Ruhengeri
Ocir-Café Fabien Neretse Ruhengeri
BNR Denis Ntirugirimbabazi Ruhengeri
Rwandex Baragahoranye Ruhengeri
ONAPO Gaudence Nyirasafari Ruhengeri
ORINFOR Ferdinand Nahimana Ruhengeri
CID Daniel Rwananiye Ruhengeri
Laiterie du Rwanda Callixte Mirasano Ruhengeri
RAR Lt Colonel Nyirimanzi Ruhengeri
Redemi J.B Bicamumpaka Ruhengeri
Sodeparal Michel Bakuzakundi Ruhengeri
Cimerwa Callixte Ruhengeri
Ocir Thé de Rubaya Juvenal Ndabarinze Ruhengeri
Ocir-Thé Nshili Stany Niyibizi Ruhengeri
Opyrwa Bizimana Augustin Byumba
DRB Laurien Ngirabanzi Byumba
Somitrap Laurent Hitimana Byumba
Bunep Augustin Ruzindana Byumba
Soproriz Elie Nyirimbibi Byumba
Ocir-Thé Gisovu Alfred Musema Byumba
Imprisco Stany Siniyibagiwe Byumba
Croix-Rouge Claudien Kamirindi Byumba
Sucrerie Kagaba Kigali
Sonarwa Ngirumpatse Kigali
Petrorwanda Désiré Murenzi Kigali
Magerwa Claudien Kanyarwanda Kigali
CER Juvenal Ndisanze Kigali
Maiserie de Mukamira Dirimasi Kigali
Onatracom Kabogoza Gitarama
Ovapam Nsengiyaremye Gitarama
IRST Gasengayire Gitarama
DPF Musengarurema Gitarama
Oprovia Butare Butare
BRD Maharangari Butare
UNR Ntahobari Butare
DGB Gasarabwe Butare
INR Munyangoga Gikongoro
OVIBAR Munyangendo Gikongoro
Tabarwanda Mucumankiko Gikongoro
PASP UGZ III Nzamurambaho Gikongoro
Ocir-Thé Shagasha Mubiligi Gikongoro
Air Rwanda Karangwa Cyangugu
(Source: “Kwiyuburura Kwa MRND kujyane no kwicuza”, in Kinyamateka, May 1991,
No133)
Ethnic” and Regional Segregation in Rwandan Educational System and Religious Life
c) Quota system in Education
We want Education to be strictly monitored.
The system should be improved and made more realistic and modern through the
rejection of the system of selection whose results can be seen in secondary schools. We
think that this should be respected (…), if the places are not enough, Identity Cards
should be used in order to respect quotas.
We wish:
- That the current social ranks do not influence admission to schools.
- The award of scholarships takes place because the population pays
taxes. Bahutu should not be victims of Tutsi monopoly which had kept
them in an eternal and unbearable social and political inferiority.
- For tertiary Education, we think that sending students to ‘Congo
Belge’ is good because this country can accommodate many students
but this will not prevent us to send most brilliant students to continue
their studies in Europe (metropolis).
Source: Manifeste des Bahutu: Note sur l’aspect social du problème racial indigene au
Rwanda, 24 mars 1957 sur http://www.mdrw.org/manifeste.htm, le 30/10/2004.
d) The Speech of the President of the Republic
`Rwandans,
On behalf of the Republic of Rwanda, I the President of the Republic, in order to
- save completely the people of Rwanda and give a true democracy to our country;
- bring peace among citizens and allow them to collaborate in order to safeguard justice
and respect for everybody in the new republic;
- protect everybody from the colonization and clientele (ubuhake) (…) in conjunction
with the whole population of Rwanda, represented by distinguished persons in this
congress held on our wish here in Gitarama on January 28 of New Year 1961,
we proclaim this law creating the Republic of Rwanda (…).
All Rwandans are equal before the law without considering “ethnic groups”, family,
color or religion.
All Rwandans have same rights according to the bill of human rights, with the exception
of some according to the law.
Every Rwandan can go to school. Schools which will not follow directives regarding
quotas according to the number of individuals of each ethnic group will be closed or
given to other owners.
(Mbonyumutwa D., Disikuru ya Prezida wa Republika kuwa 28/1/1961)
In Kinyamateka (Translated from Kinyarwanda)
e) The Speech of General Major Juvenal Habyarimana, President of the Republic
and Founder President of MRND at the opening of the 3rd Congress of MRND(1985)
I take this opportunity to remind you that the aim of our Movement is to promote unity
among all Rwandans. According to the 1959 Revolution, our Movement rejected
separatism, the superiority of one race or one family on others. It succeeded to mobilise
all Rwandans for peace, unity, democracy, and the necessary resources to boost national
development…
(Source: Ijambo rya Nyakubahwa Militant Habyarimana Yuvenali, Prezida Fondateri
WA Mouvement Revolutionaire iharanira amajyambere y’u Rwanda, Prezida
wa Repubulika atangiza kandi asoza imilimo y’inama ya Kongre ya gatanu
isanzwe ya MRND kuwa 20 Ukuboza no kuwa 23 Ukuboza 1985, p. 89)
(…)In this fifth Congress, we were happy that we agreed upon our Educational policy,
mainly in respect to sharing places in schools. But again I request responsible ministries,
to find out urgently the figures (quotas) to follow in order to correct inequalities in this
matter…
(Source: Ijambo rya Nyakubahwa Militant Habyarimana Yuvenali, Prezida Fondateri wa
Mouvement Revolutionaire iharanira amajyambere y’u Rwanda, Prezida wa
Repubulika atangiza kandi asoza imilimo y’inama ya Kongre ya gatanu isanzwe
ya MRND kuwa 20 Ukuboza no kuwa 23 Ukuboza 1985, p. 89)
f) Instructions regarding admissions in Rwandan schools
Criteria to be admitted in secondary Education must be carefully respected, since
vacancies in secondary schools are very few. Moreover, due to the fact that our country
lacks competent workers in all domains, the quota must favor the most intelligent
students (…). The student’s performance and his/her scores will determine whether
he/she should go to secondary school.
According to MRND and its founder president in the Education policy, ethnic quota
should be respected in accordance with the number of every “ethnic group” out of the
whole population. This must be applied for each option of secondary Education.
Each province must enroll students according to the size of its population while taking
into consideration the scores of the student at nation national examinations.
If possible this quota system should be respected in each province on communal
(districts) level (…). Also, enrollment at secondary school level must be done according
to the proportion of males and females with regard to whole population.The Minister of
Education had the privilege to award 5% secondary school placement to correct
anomalities where the quotas were not properly respected according to criteria stated
above. (…)
Regarding scholarship for tertiary Education in Rwanda and abroad, the above criteria of
quota basing on “ethnic group”, regions, sex and also within options must be respected
without unbalance according to places available in schools…
(Source: “Ingingo shingiro mu kwemererwa mu nzego z’amashuri
yo mu Rwanda”, In: MRND, Amatwara y’u Rwanda mu y’Uburezi, Umuco
n’ubushakashatsi. Politique de l’éducation, de la culture, de la recherché scientifique et
technique au Rwanda no1, octobre, 1984, pp. 32-35.)
g). A Story from Anonymous Author
I was born in January 1968 during one of the most suicidal attacks of Inyenzi in Nshili. I
am very sure of this. My mother told me this twice. She remembered it very well,
because when she was coming from her antenatal consultation, she met a military lorry
carrying dead bodies and wounded soldiers. At that time, she wanted to know what was
on the lorry, the driver stopped and asked her why she was curious and she ran away
leaving her baby behind. It was probably 10 years after 1959 revolution.
I began primary school at my parish. It was there that I learnt that Tutsi had oppressed
Hutu for centuries and they had to pay for it. I also learnt that I was a son of a Tutsi from
Ethiopia.
Hutu classmates were the sons of poor Hutu who earned their living by doing hard labor
and therefore justice had to be done for Hutu sons and daughters. I grew up with that
shame of being one of the oppressors –the Tutsi. My social surroundings identified me as
a “Tutsi”. When I wanted to enroll for secondary school, I could not join public schools
because of this Tutsi identification. It was easier to be admitted in the seminary to
become a priest. Thus l was admitted at Karubanda seminary in Butare diocese. This was
also possible because of my uncle who was a priest and requested my admission from the
bishop of Butare.
At secondary school, I was constantly reminded that I was a Tutsi. This awareness was
done through ethnic check up done on regular basis in the classroom to remind us that we
belonged to a “group of outcastes”
During the check up, Hutu were proud to raise their hands, but for us, we could raise ours
hesitantly and some could hide behind desks. We preferred to be Twa who had no
traumatizing experience. Unfortunately, it was impossible to change to Twa. It was
impossible to cheat in that way. We were obliged to live the fate of our group.
After the seminary, I joined the University- Nyakinama Campus. During my three years
there, I was unique in my classroom. I was the only student without a Hutu identity card.
In Nyakinama region, things were serious since it was the birthplace of MRND-CDR.
Among the teaching staff there were people like Léon Mugesera, Ferdinard Nahimana
and two priests, Roger Heremans (ex-white Father) and, Maniragaba Baributsa (exdominican).
The latter two had manipulated the bible into the Hutu manifesto.
However, there were some intellectuals like Professor Emmanuel Ntezimana, who tried
to convince his colleagues to stop being against Tutsi students for he had realized that
there was the political confusion, which was going on in that Institute. But he paid for his
good will later by a mysterious death, (sickness) but probably poisoned.
At the beginning, regionalism saved us, because we accepted in the region more than
Hutu from other regions. Nyakinama campus was not ready to welcome or integrate
Abanyenduga of any ethnic group be it Hutu or Tutsi. According to Nyakinama area, no
Hutu from other regions had pure blood of Hutu. They were supposed to be put in the
same cathegory with Tutsi.
(Source: Cahiers Lumière et Société
Dialogue IV, Dec 1999, nº16, pp.33-38)
•According to Mugesera (2004), during the academic year 1981/2, it was clear that
the system of quota was against Tutsi at secondary to higher level of Education:
Province Commune No. of Tutsi passed No. admitted
Butare Nyabisindu 9 1
Butare Huye 21 1
Butare Nyaruhengeri 9 1
Butare Ntyazo 14 3
Butare Ruhasha 37 7
Gikongoro Rusasira 24 10
Gikongoro Maraba 28 15
Gikongoro Karama 44 6
During the 1982/3 academic year, there was a total number of 424 students at Butare
University; and out of these there were only 28 Tutsi (ibid, 2004).
According to the newspaper ‘Le coopérateur Trafipro’ 12/11/88, the minister of
Education by then Mr. Nsekalije categorically stated that:
“If a commune like Kigoma had 30 intelligent Batwa students and all passed their
examinations and their list was put up, and a commune like Nyamabuye had only a list of
Tutsi who passed and their list was up; do you think this kind of list would stay on even a
night before it was scrapped off? Even the schools where these lists were posted could be
burnt. It is for this reason that quota stem should exist.
In the same newspaper, the same minister said:
“Children of ‘Bourgmestres’ should have privileges in schools since their fathers make a
lot sacrifices for the nation more than others”.
THE NUMBERS AND REGIONS OF STUDENTS ON FOREIGN SCHOLARSHIP
YEAR
REGION
1981-
82
1982-
83
1983-
84
1984-
85
1985-
86
1986-
87
1987-
88
TOTAL
Butare 18 11 15 18 23 13 11 109
Byumba 13 14 17 19 16 21 23 123
Cyangugu 9 11 10 13 8 9 12 72
Gikongoro 11 9 7 10 10 10 7 84
Gisenyi 18 26 40 46 49 44 84 297
Gitarama 15 23 10 17 25 28 14 130
Kibungo 4 5 11 9 11 8 14 62
Kibuye 7 6 6 11 12 7 13 62
Kigali 18 13 17 20 26 16 28 138
Ruhengeri 27 27 22 27 31 33 38 205
SOURCE: “Kwiyuburura Kwa MRND kujyane no kwicuza, In Kinyamateka,
No 1334,p .8.
8. Colonial Education in Rwanda
The Roman Catholic Church first introduced formal Education in Rwanda at the
beginning of the 20th century. The main purpose for Education at this time was to:
• Train catechists to spread Catholicism to the local population.
• Train auxiliaries to assist the colonial masters for local administration,
agricultural production of cash crops for export and enforcement of labor. Thus
labor was forced on peasants, resulting into the first exodus of the Rwandans into
neighboring Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya in the 1930s and 1940s.
During the colonial period the whole Education system was entrusted to the catholic
missionaries who enjoyed support from the colonial government to establish schools,
using ‘Funds for the Welfare of the Indigenous People’ (Fonds du Bien-Etre Indigene).
The White fathers and nuns established two types of schools:
• The rural schools in villages offered a two-year literacy Education to the people in
the villages. The local instructors for these schools were trained by the
missionaries. They taught reading, writing, elementary arithmetic and hygiene.
• The central schools were built at the mission and managed by missionaries. These
schools admitted the best candidates from the rural schools. They offered a fiveyear
primary Education to boys only, since girls were not allowed to go to school
at that time.
Apart from formal basic Education, missionaries established catechism schools run by
local catechists whose responsibility was to prepare believers for baptism. By 1935, the
Catholic missionaries had established 338 primary schools with 22,645 pupils and a
working force of 553 teachers. At that time, there was one special secondary school,
established in 1929 by Brothers of Charity in Butare, southern Rwanda. This school had a
special mission to train auxiliaries who would assist the colonial government officials for
local administration. In 1936 some seminaries were established with specialization in the
study of religion, philosophy and languages. Graduates of these seminaries were later to
become some of the political leaders of Rwanda after independence
Later, in the 1950s, the colonial government established some secondary schools to train
primary school teachers mainly. It was also in the 1950s that a few girls were first
admitted to secondary schools to train as nurses and midwives. Before that time girls
were trained at ‘écoles menagères’ established with the sole purpose of training good
housewives. In these schools, girls were taught reading, writing, knitting, cookery, and
hygiene and home management.
Thus colonial Education by missionaries played an important role by developing basic
Education and vocational skills among Rwandans. However, it was noted that the way
formal Education was introduced in Rwanda had some negative effects on the future
development of the country. For example, Education was used as early as the 1920s to
divide Rwandans:
1. Children at schools were put in distinct categories of Hutu (commons) or Tutsi
(royals)
2. Children of Tutsi chiefs were favored and admitted to ‘Astrida Secondary School’
to prepare them for service in the colonial administration.
The colonialists used the divide and rule strategy by grooming the Tutsi for leadership
and excluding the Hutu children, who received Education generally from the seminaries.
This was a contributing factor to trouble in the late 1950s and subsequent conflicts in
Rwanda. Colonial Education also provided Rwandans with only the basic skills to occupy
assistant positions to the colonialists. Rwandans were not given the chance to develop
skills of leadership, decision-making and creativity, neither were they given professional
and technical training in fields like medicine, agriculture, engineering and veterinary
medicine which would have benefited the country. It was noted that this type of training
was later to entrench a culture of lack of self-confidence, dependence and passive
submissiveness among Rwandans.
9. Post Colonial Education in Rwanda
After Rwanda’s independence in 1962, the government concentrated on expanding access
at primary level. Primary schooling was declared free and obligatory, starting at age six.
Opening a number of secondary schools also helped to expand secondary Education and
higher Education was established by opening the National University of Rwanda in 1963.
It has been noted that by 1975, school enrolment was increased from 250,000 pupils at
the time of independence to 386,000 pupils at primary level whereas at secondary school
level, there were 64 schools with a student population of 11,227 students. The National
University of Rwanda had six faculties, of medicine, agriculture, law, social sciences,
natural sciences and arts. It had a student enrolment of 619.
Rather than expanding access to Education for all, the Education system in Rwanda
remained discriminatory after independence, this time in favor of the Hutu (commons),
against the Tutsi (royals) and Twa (pigmies). In 1978, for example, reforms to
nationalize Education were made but rather than correcting the errors of the colonial
legacy, it was during this time that quotas were introduced for each ethnic group.
Thus students were no longer admitted to secondary schools on the basis of merit, but on
the policy of “quota”. Article 60 of the law on public instruction stated that transition
from primary to secondary school should respect the following criteria: results at national
exam; the progressive in the student’s performance; regional, ethnic and sex balance.
This was the policy of ‘social justice’ (Iringaniza) that left out many Tutsi children.
a) Some Educational Changes after Independence
According to the national curriculum report the structure and content of primary
Education in Rwanda was developed in three phases after independence. That is before
the school reform of 1978/79, the school reform of 1978/79, and the readjustment of
school reform (1991). In this respect, each phase had a linguistic concern in its
curriculum.
Before the school reform of 1978/79, meaning phase one in the development of primary
Education, there are two important legal texts in this respect: the law of 27 August 1966
on National Education in the Republic of Rwanda, and the Presidential Decree N0.175/03
of 28 April 1967, which set the general regulations of Rwanda’s Education.
Based on these two texts, the language of instruction from primary one to primary three
was Kinyarwanda, while French became a medium of instruction from primary four to
primary six. The former was taught as a subject from primary four to primary six, while
the latter became a subject and not a medium of instruction in primary one to four.
During the 1978/1979 reforms, the whole system of primary Education was revised. The
duration changed from six to eight years of primary and Kinyarwanda became a medium
of instruction for all the subjects (apart from languages) throughout the eight years of
primary school, while French became a subject to be taught from primary four to primary
eight. This Education reform faced a lot of problems such as lack of instructional
materials; teachers were not trained in the new fields of the syllabus, and lack of proper
methods for the evaluation of the reform.
It was these, among other reasons, that prompted the revision of the reform in 1991.
Primary Education went back to six years. Immediately after the revision of the reform,
war broke out in some parts of the country, which culminated into the 1994 genocide and
massacres. Therefore, not much of what was revised had time to be implemented
(Ndabaga E, 2004).
b) Muvara “Affair”; A Plot between Clergmen
The Muvara affair is well known in Rwanda. He had been just appointed as Bishop of
Butare in 1988 before he was forced to resign. Reverend Félicièn Muvara a Tutsi priest
was forced to resign some months just before his consecration because of President
Habyarimana’s circles and many other fellow priests.
This scandal fuelled divisions among Rwandans. Amongst the big network of those who
pushed Reverend Félicien Muvara to resign were the following:
• Mrs. Josephine, the spouse of colonel Nsekalije, the then Minister of primary and
secondary schools had a grudge against Muvara.
She got into contact with Reverend Charles Bizumuremyi who had just been
appointed Director of Catholic Education. Bizimungu was an extremist Hutu and a
friend to the family of President Habyarimana and more with the Minister of
Education. Bizimungu himself did not like Muvara. Bizimungu forged information
that Muvara had a kid with a lady called Veronique yet how can he be appointed a
bishop. He gave this information to Josephine who spread it to the circle of high
authorities in the government.
• Reverend Andre Sibomana too was very active in the group against Muvara. He knew
Muvara very well since they came from the same parish. The Ex-Director of
Kinyamateka jounal visited the President of Bishops conference- Bishop Ruzindana
from Byumba, and convinced him the truth of Muvara’s adultery and having a child.
Bishop Perraudin also was informed through Sibomana’s friends.
Bishop Joseph Ruzindana, the president of the Bishops Conference also did not like
Félicien Muvara. He was unhappy with Muvara’s promotion. He informed his cousin,
Colonel Bagosora. The objective was to sabotage Father Muvara completely
• Colonel Bagosora informed the President who did not immediately agree with the
information regarding Muvara. President Habyarimana continued hesitating.
Meanwhile, the Director of Intelligence arrived in the office of the President and
confirmed the information to him by saying; “the whole Kigali is now talking about
it”, he said; but, the President wanted more details and then decided to meet the
Archibishop of Kigali, Vincent Nsengiyumva and Bishop Joseph Ruzindana, the
president of the “bishops conference”. By meeting these people, President
Habyarimana was influenced and hence convinced about Muvara’s affair.
The decision was then taken that Father Félicien Muvara would go to Rome to present his
resignation to the Pope and the apostolic nuncio was informed.
At the same time, President Habyarimana ordered Jacques Maniraguha (Member of
Parliament) to follow up this affair. Maniraguha met a Belgian businessman, nicknamed
“Jef” who would convince and influence an influential Belgian priest called father
Vanderborght about the guilt of Muvara since they were friends. While “Jef” was
informing pro-Hutu circles in Belgium about that “scandal” Father Vanderborght
influenced a group of priests in Butare. Amongst those priests were: Sylvio Sindambiwe
(Director of Kinyamateka) Charles Bizumuremyi, Fidèle Nyaminani, Denis Sekamana,
Venuste Linguyeneza and Ladislas Habimana, a close friend to father Vanderborght for
an investigation on Muvara. The results from this inquiry were given in by father
HABIMANA Ladislas to Father Vanderborght
With those results, father Vanderborght and father Joseph Vleugels who was the superior
of white fathers informed the apostolic nuncio that they had evidence to confirm
Muvara’s guilt. Meanwhile, the Burundian ambassador to Rwanda tried to intervene but
the Vatican diplomats argued that the ambassador’s information was wrong. Few days
later, on March 24, 1989 at 10h30, on a holy Friday, Muvara was forced by the President
of the Republic and the Bishops’ Conference to present his resignation to the Pope and he
did it.
Thereafter, Muvara wrote a confidential letter to the bishops describing his unhappiness
because of their silence during his times of trials. He told them that he would reveal
nothing regarding their part in this affair just to safeguard the church’s honor.
Few days latter, it discovered that the Veronique Nyirandegeya storywas an imaginary
lady just to sabotage Muvara not to become a bishop on ethnic grounds. Véronique
Nyirandegeya herself agreed that the father of her child was not Muvara, but a Burundian
doctor, Batungwanayo.
However, on May 10, 1989, Bishop Perraudin, Vice-President of the Bishop Conference
went on and wrote a letter to Pope John II to affirm Muvara’s guilty convincing the Pope
that it was not an ethnic issue as some people claimed.
(TERRAS C., 1999: 35-39)
E. Other important Cases
1. The elimination of opposition by PARMEHUTU (1962-1965)
2. The socio-economic development under the first and second republics (schools,
electricity, roads, water, telephone, health, etc)
3. The Inyenzi attacks
4. The refugee problem
5. Rwanda and international community (relations between Rwanda and Belgium,
Rwanda and France, Rwanda and other African countries, with French speaking
countries, with neighboring countries (Uganda, Burundi, Congo, Tanzania, etc),
Rwanda and economic communities (CPGL, OBK, etc)
6. The 1973 coup and MRND domination
7. The role and organization of Umuganda
8. The 1978 Education reform and its aftermath
9. The 1980 attempt coup
10. The good years of Habyarimana regime: auto-reliance and the fall of economy in the
1980s
11. The demographic problem
12. Religions and the influence of the Catholic Church
13. Political assassinations
14. Women emancipation
F. Lessons
1. Preliminaries
a) Topic: Rwanda post colonial up to 1990
Theme: Ethnic and regional segregation between 1962 and 1989
- Sub theme: discrimination in the Rwandan society
Form: Senior 3
Duration: 50 minutes
b) Teaching materials: •the texts of a short story “the two cows”
•the questions for reflections in groups
2. Objectives
a) General objective:
- To assess and evaluate the ethnic and regional discriminations in Rwandan society
between 1962 and 1989.
b) Specific objectives:
At the end of this lesson, students should be able to:
• Understand the dynamics of ethnic and regional discrimination tendencies in Rwandan
society
• Explain how Rwanda used Education as a tool to discriminate some individuals
• Describe different Educational reforms that took place in Rwanda
• Identify the values of Education
3. Lesson sequences
a) Activity 1
•The reading of a short story: “The 2 cows” after giving the copy of the text to each
learner.
• Invite students to silent, individual reading – interpretation and then invite them to work
in groups of two in order to share their reactions.
b) Activity 2
•The approach “Think, pair, share”
•To lead the whole class for a discussion on the subject matter
•To make a summary from the discussions to draw the important aspect of the lesson and
give homework.
4. Teaching commentaries
a) The case of segregation at ESM (see p 183)
b) The Myths and segregation (p.190)
c) Other suggested lessons on segregation:
•Ideologies and segregation
•Segregation in religious community
•Segregation in the public and private service
Theme 1: Discriminations in Rwandan Schools
• Suggested activities
Through the case of discrimination in schools, students will explore the theme of
discrimination and how in Rwanda ethnicity represented one of the worst tendencies in
the society.
• Suggested reading and activities:
a) Activity 1
Preparatory study of discrimination: Read the story “two cows”
Ask students to write a response to the story in their journals then, have students pair up
and share their reactions.
Approach “think, pair, and share:
Finally, bring the whole group together for a discussion of the story.
(This approach is called “think, pair, share,” and it is an effective way to engage all
students in the discussion. Everyone has the chance to share his or her ideas with at least
one other person. In addition, students, who do not like to speak out in class, have an
opportunity to share in a small group, and all students have the chance to “test” their
ideas before they share them with the entire class. Teachers can also use the pairing as a
way to listen to students’ discussion, the way students learn and react on the text.
Two Cows
In this story, “two cows”, one with horns and another without horns, were going to the
other side of lake to fetch some grass. In the middle of their journey, they quarreled until
they fought. Kungu, the cow without horns, was accusing Nyambo because his ancestors
knocked off Kungu’s ancestors’ horns, which made their descendants be born without
horns. So far Kungu, it was time to revenge that act. When the two cows were still
fighting for no good reason, after a discussion with the crocodiles, the cow saw sense and
decided to reconcile and live together peacefully. As a way of thanking the crocodiles,
the cows invited them threw a big party for them.
• • Activity 2
Personal experience of a respondent
“I was among the first three Rwandan officers to join the military career: Juvénal
Habyarimana, Aloys Nsekalije. Sabin Benda, Pierre Nyatanyi, Alexis and Bonaventure
Ubarijoro joined us later.
Joining military was not easy for me since every time I could sit for an interview, I would
be told that I failed. Someone later informed me that I was admitted in the military
service on the ground that he knew my father, but later I discovered that I was
recommended by the United Nations.
Rwandan military used the “pignet system” to eliminate some individuals. It was a
system that scrutinized people using physical tests. Although Tutsi were allowed to join
the military, it was very hard for them to be admitted. Military officers would do
whatever they could to make them fail.
I did not find many problems in ESM (Ecole Supérieure Militaire) except some
accusations put on me that I was always having secret meetings with Ndazaro, Rukeba,
and Bwanakweli who were leaders of NNSS.
Sometimes I used to thing the contrary of what other officers believed in. For them the
death of Patrick Lumumba and Louis Rwagasore was right.
When politicians were preparing for Kamarampaka elections, they went to visit other
students but on I was left in isolation.
After Kayibanda’s victory on 26/10/60, during the celebration I was charged with
ushering MPs of UNAR and Bishop Bigirumwami, Jean Baptiste Gahamanyi and Joseph
Sibomana because we were of the same group while other officers were charged with
ushering PARMEHUTU and APROSOMA members.
There was a Whiteman nicknamed Cornichon who told me when Habyarimana became
Chief of Staff that I would be appointed Minister of Defense, If it was UNAR to succeed.
Habyarimana did not hide the segregation against Tutsi.
When I was promoted to 2nd lieutenant and sent for studies in Belgium on 23/12/61 my
movements were always monitored so that I could not interact with my colleagues in
Astrida.
Anytime I was sent on the front line during Inyenzi attacks, I would be told, “go and fight
your brothers”. Many accusations were put on me that I was always in contact with
Inyenzi. I was surprised when the Chief of Staff during Nshili attack to told me not to
send to the front Laurent Serubuga, commandant of Cyangugu region, because his wife
was pregnant. But, it was him who knew very well that place.
In 1966, during Buyenzi attack, in order to push Inyenzi, the Rwandan Army burnt many
houses. It was said that I was taking revenge on the population. There were many
accusations on my collaboration with Inyenzi. The reason was that I helped some Tutsi
to join the exile. Thus many politicians became unhappy with me.”
b) Immigrations
In the 19th century, explorers, ethnographers and missionaries wrote that Rwanda was
occupied by different groups. Abatwa was the first population group in Rwanda.
The second group was Abahutu, cultivators and their origin was first of all located in
Australia (LAGGER, L. (de), 1959:48-49). But when archaeology suggested that the
origin of humanity was not in Asia, but in Africa, the Australian origin for Rwandese
population was shifted. Then population movements and theorists based their
explanations on Bantu migration.
(NYAGAHENE A., 1991: 74)
It was said that Abahutu arrived in Rwanda from Lake Chad between the 7th and the 10th
century. Some of theorists are still claiming that Abahutu and Abatwa’s primitive origin
is Rwanda itself.
Accordingly, Hamites may have come from the Nile region, between Lake Albert and the
Bahr-el-ghazal and went to the south. Since the 1950s, some politicians used these
theories with no scientific proof to explain the primacy of their ethnic group to the other
citizens. The 1st and 2nd republics of Rwanda did not manage to escape from these
ideologies. Instead, they institutionalized the exclusion inspired by such ideas with the
pretext that Tutsi were strangers in regard to other authentic autochtones.
Besides, these authors state that on one hand, agriculture and iron were brought by
Abahutu, and on the other hand Abatutsi brought cattle. But, archaeological findings have
questioned these statements with the discovery of some teeth of cattle that were found in
Gisagara (Butare) and which date back centuries BC. Other research also revealed the
presence of agriculture before the installation of Abahutu and Abatutsi, around the 10th
century B.C. Other findings also located “Acheulean” industries in Rwanda
(500 000 –100 000 BC).
While Europeans were developing these theories, they were influenced by racist ideology
which considered blacks as inferior people incapable of creating something positive. As
they found well organized kingdoms in the Great Lakes region, they thought that the
Tutsi who were leading Rwanda were related to Ethiopians. The latter were also
considered as descendant of people in Asia (the son of Noah). This myth helped
Europeans to divide Rwandans in order to lead them easily as Tutsi were no longer
considered as Bantu population.
MODULE IV: RWANDA POST COLONIAL (1990-1994)
Introduction
From 1990, Rwanda has faced challenges of of its own contradictions fully
institutionalized: war by refugees, the frond of political parties, which all together led the
second republic into horrible shame.
The role of “ethnic and regional quota”in Education as a preliminary to the 1994
genocide is testified: in 1992, the then Minister of Secondary Education opposed
discrimination against Tutsi in schools. She was immediately cautioned by the regime
and discriminatory quotas were radicalized.
At the same time, the militia was created for ruling political parties (CDR and MRND).
These parties taught young Hutu how to kill Tutsi and moderate Hutu. Extremist media
supportive of the regime of MRND were already infecting hatred in indoctrinated minds.
Finally, INTEERAHAMWE (those who attack together) were the incarnation of the
discriminatory Educational policy with genocide characteristic. Indeed they were the
same people who prepared and executed the genocide of April-July 1994.
Theme: Education Policy and Genocide Ideology
A. Overview
Rwanda faced many problems in the mid 1980’s. In the sector of economy, from 1986,
coffee, tea and pewter the three major sources of foreign revenue for the country and
wealth for power holders, collapsed. Thereafter, the mines of pewter were closed. The
remaining fourth one was the collection of international aid, called “specialized source”1.
This constituted a source of competition and jealousy; only those involved in the
restricted circle of power called “Akazu” had access to it. The country was faced with the
problems of budget deficit and a growing debt as indicated in the table below:
1 En 1989, le nombre de projets s’élevait à 512 avec un montant de 2.104.482.000 US $ promis mais
1.361.488.000 US $ reçus effectivement et officiellement, 742.999.000 US $ non reçu et ou dans les poches
des individus.
Public Funds and Debt
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Budget deficit in millions
(RWF)
-4.136 -4.885 -3.692 -5.986 -5.651 -11.842 -7.795 -7.331 -10.1
Deficit as a % of GDP -.3.2 -3.4 -2.3 -3.4 -3.3 -6.9 -4.4 -4.2 -6.0
External debt (billions of RWF) 18.7 21.7 26.6 31.7 36.2 44.6 50.3 48.3 51.8
Internal debt (billions of RWF)
and as % of GDP
7.16
6.1
11.6
8.2
13.5
8.5
14.3
8.3
16.5
9.7
20.7
12.1
24.3
13.6
28.9
16.6
34.2
20.1
Total Public debt of GDP in £ 20.4 23.4 25.4 26.5 31.0 38.1 41.9 44.4 56.7
Service of external debt as a %
of exports
5.9 5.6 5.7 6.6 7.2 14.8 14.9 16.5 18.3
Service of total public debt as a
% des budget revenue
11.0 17.4 12.5 13.2 12.9 20.4 26.5 30.6 32.2
Internal net credit to gov’t
(millions of RWF)
779 3.231 3.035 3.001 2.744 6.804 8.481 10.551 16.484
Annual National Budget : 1st January – 31 December
Source: MINISTERE DU PLAN (Prévisions du Ministère du Plan, antérieures aux
événements d’octobre 1990)
The drought in 1988-1989 caused famine in Gikongoro, Butare and Kibuye Provinces.
This caused the death of about 300 people and many others left for neighboring Tanzania.
On the social aspect, the country had the problem of unemployment which was
aggravated by the program of structural adjustment, the abandonment of agricultural
activities because of its unproductiveness, and the continuous dispersion of rural
agricultural property. In order to address this situation, the government took coercive
measures and an “edifying and hypocrite” behavior (PRUNIER G, 1997: 112) by
organizing a round-up of all prostitutes, a fight against abortion, the destruction of
condoms, sending the urban unemployed to rehabilitation centers and the destruction of
slums under the pretext that they housed criminals. It was a “Social Revolution”
undertaken in order to hide a critical and explosive situation.
Politically, apart from the events of 1980 in relation with the conspiracy and tentative of a
“coup d’etat” by Théoneste LIZINDE, nothing had weakened the political alliance of
people from the north with Hutu ideology.
However, the assassination of Colonel MAYUYA, a man from the north, who was
however to be the president’s successor, divided people from the north and hardened the
“AKAZU”. Other assassinations of government critics or opponents were carried out, for
example in August 1989, Félicita Nyiramutarambirwa a member of CND, the father of
Silvio Sindambiwe, journalists and many others were murdered, the private media was
censured while a pro-government fraction became harsh and extremist on ethnic and
regional aspects.
Concerning international politics, from 1987, RPF pressured the Rwandan government to
accept the return of refugees, the introduction of reforms and the instauration of
democracy. Its uncompromising behavior caused the October 1990 attack; the then
Rwandan government reacted with brutality by simulating attacks during the night of 4th
to 5th October 1990 and carried out massive detention of about 8,000 people called
“ibyitso” in Kigali, Butare and elsewhere.
It is by intervention of the international community, embassies and non governmental
organizations such as Human Right International Federation (HRIF) and “Association
Rwandaise pour la Defense des Droits de la Personne et des libertés Publiques” (A.D.L.)
that the survivors of the massive detention were released without trial.
From the democratization of eastern countries and the Soviet Union’s crisis, democracy
requirements for African countries by President F. Mitterand, USA and Bretton Woods’
institutions and other international organizations, African countries had to adopt
multiparty in order to receive assistance. Therefore MRND government was forced to
accept multiparty but meanwhile became more radical and prepared Genocide. After
Ruhengeri was attacked on (23.01.1991) by RPF, Bagogwe people were massacred in the
district of Mukingo, on (25.01.1991), Kinigi, (27.01.1991) around 3 p.m., Gaseke and
Giciye, (02.02.1991) and in Gisenyi province more precisely at Bigogwe in the night of
(03 to 04.02.1991).
Immediately after multiparty was declared, on 13th November 1990, Rwandans hurried to
create political parties with a non exhaustive number of 23, among which, majority were
created under the auspices of the region which wanted to be more effective by having
more supporters who feelings are close to those of MRND (D).
While MRND (D) pretended to adopt political openness, the other main political parties
(MDR, PSD, and PL) were engaged in the struggle to form a new government, to
organize elections, to hold a national sovereign conference and to start negotiations
aimed at ending war. Political life became bipolar and tense and the government in its
instability changed prime minister four time between 13.10.1991 and 17.07.1993. The
presidential tenure hardened its position and maintained a climate of insecurity via
“Reseau zero”, Interahamwe militia, CDR, the extremist and right hand of MRND (D)
and a harsh, extremist and ethnic media including Kangura newspaper, Radio RTLM
(first broadcast on 08.08.1993). In four years 72 newspapers were created among which
22 were openly Hutu extremist or “Hutu power”.
Déclaration de Juin 1990 à la Baule au sommet franco-africain
The long and hard Arusha negotiations, despite problems and blockages caused by the
head of delegation and its mandate, led to the signing of a peace accord on 4th August
1993. It included six agreements and protocols in relation to the cease fire, law
enforcement, the repatriation of refugees and displaced people, military integration and
other business and final clauses.
The political situation remained troubled under the government of A.Uwiringiyimana on
one hand extremists from MRND were against the president, they were accusing him of
giving a lot of importance to the opposition and on the other hand the opposition political
parties divided themselves into rival factions with the creation of “Hutu Power” tendency
in October 1993. New blockages also came in when it was time to put in practice the
Arusha peace accord concerning especially the transitional government.
Security conditions tensioned in the city, with demonstrations against demonstrations -
the increase in the number of displaced persons – extremists, political parties with the
“Hutu Power” tendency, INTERAHAMWE and CDR all calling for the unity of Hutu in
order to fight against one enemy “Tutsi” from inside and outside. It was then that the
presidential aircraft was shot down on the 6th April 1994 and that the Genocide which
was prepared since 1990, with the killing of Bagowge, Kibilira, Nasho, Murambi and
Bugesera, was started.
This death machine was the outcome of an Education policy supportive of Genocide
ideology.
Divisionism, ethnic and exclusionist politics in Rwanda started since colonialism and was
applied in the exercise of power, administration and Education including schools for the
children of chiefs, strict selection etc. The first two republics inherited this, especially the
second republic which institutionalized it from 1981 by calling it “ethnic and regional
quota” or “quota system”. This policy was applied in all the sectors of the society
(employment, army, administration, diplomacy etc.) and this was the root cause of
Genocide in 1994.
Aware of certain failures and harassed from all parts, MRND, the only party was forced
to share power with other opposition political parties (MDR, PSD, and PL).
The Ministry of Education was given to MDR which named late A.UWIRINGIYIMANA
as Minister of Education. She introduced change progressively in favor of regions which
were neglected; this was confirmed by people such as her own advisor on political and
administration matters (who was also from the opposition), the different internal meetings
of the political opposition which denounced the policy of quota excluding talented
children under the pretext of ethnic/ and or region.
Their meeting’s resolutions were confirmed by KINYAMATEKA newspaper n° 1378,
September 1992, p.5: in a press conference of 24.09.1992, Minister Uwiringiyimana
Agathe explained that regional quota should be replaced by the distribution of places per
district, meaning that it was fair to consider also marks at districts level rather than
considering them only at national level, taking the best pupils with regard to the number
of p6 and p7 pupils of each district.
According to her, it was best to compare a pupil to his/her colleagues from the class or
district, who he/she studied in the same conditions like her/him, considering that some
regions had better teaching materials and more qualified teachers. For more transparency,
Minister UWIRINGIYIMANA published all examination results since December 1992.
After identifying those who scored 50% and above, they proceeded to the selection of the
best pupils per district. If Genocide had not taken place, this system encouraged parents
who had bright children to send them to school while before 1992 many of them had been
disappointed.
We should also indicate that even if ethnic quota was abolished, the Ministry of
Education favored Batwa by increasing their number on published lists when only 2 of
them had done well in national examinations, more opportunities were given to girls as
well.
In short, in 1992, there was a reform because Ms Agathe Uwiringiyimana with all
moderate members of opposition wanted really to free Education from political
interference, which certainly did not please the extremists in power.
B. SOURCES AND REFERENCE MATERIAL
Articles from newspapers, books and reports
1. ADELMAN, H., and SUHRKE A., Early Warning and Conflict Management.
Vol. 2 of the International Response to Conflict and Genocide. Lessons from the
Rwanda Experience. Copenhagen, DANIDA, 1996.
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Interviews
1. KAYITESI Belthilde
2. Anonymous
3. BAKUNUKIZE Rempta
C. Cross Cutting Themes
1. Job discrimination
2. Discrimination in Educational
3. Discrimination in the media
4. Illiteracy and ignorance
5. Exaggerated unemployment
6. Wealth monopoly and the creation of a rich oligarchy
7. Political exclusion and one party system
8. Youth disappointment because of exclusion and injustice.
The coming up of private Education sector
D. Teaching Commentaries
1. The origin of political segregation in schools and the practice of “Regional and ethnic
quota”
This was made official by G. KAYIBANDA in the document instruction n°01/38/7102 of
28/02/1971” and in the resolutions of “seminaire de formation du MDR, ParmeHutu”
held in Kigali in 1972, G. KAYIBANDA said at that occasion that in schools the Bahutu
should have 85% of places, Abatutsi 14% and Abatwa 1%” (MUGESERA, A.,
2004:309). J.HABYARIMANA institutionalized segregation saying “quota” in his
speech “discours- programme” of 01/08/1973 and in the fourth “MRND congress” of
29/06/1973 with a decree rules to be followed and gave to the ministry of Education
authority to give out 5% of places to pupils admitted each year.
a) The definition of political segregation
“Ethnic quota should make sure that proportion of school population reflects that of the
whole population of the country. This principle should de respected at the level of each
section.
Practically, each ethnic group will have a quota in accordance with its importance in
number within the population (MUNYANTWALI E., 1991: 306).”The justification of
politics called “ethnic and regional quota”
•Written sources
Text 1:
“At the onset of the second republic, the president, Major General HABYARIMANA
Juvenal declared the general orientations of ethnic and regional quota in the following
terms: “… On the other hand, it is understandable that enrolment in different schools will
take into consideration social, ethnic and regional composition of the Rwandan society
(MINEPRISEC, 1986)
Text 2:
Archbishops in Rwanda supported political quota in their letter addressed to Christians on
28.02.1990 in these words:
“ethnic quota regarding employment and enrollment in schools aims at correcting ethnic
segregation which favored some and neglected others … Let us not forget that it’s goal
all ours: to distribute places for employment and schooling” (MUGESERA, A.,
2004:310.
Text 3:
The Minister of Education NSEKARIJE Aloys justified the quota system as follows:
“I am going to tell you the truth, because all Rwandans are intelligent. Telling lies is not
good. If for example the district of Kigoma had 30 intelligent Batwa pupils and all passed
exams and then the ministry of Education put up the list at the district. On the other side,
let say in Nyamabuye District, a list of Tutsi only, is put up at the district and elsewhere
only Hutu pupils passed exams. Would that list of Tutsi remain there? Let us speak the
truth. This list would be burnt and the schools to kake these pupils be burnt too. It is for
this reason we should have quota system.”
The children of “Bourgoumestres” should be given places in school first because their
fathers have served the nation more than peasants” (Le coopérateur-Trafipro, Nov-Déc.
1988).
b) The practice of ethnic and regional segregation in Education
Table n°1: Ethnic Segregation in Secondary Education 1960 - 1980
The number of students in secondary schools 1960 - 1980
Academic year Abahutu
( %)
Abatutsi
( %)
1962/63 62 36
1963/64 66 33
1964/65 69 30
1965/66 71.0 28
1966/67 71.0 28
1967/68 76 23
1968/69 79.0 20
1969/70 81.6 18.2
1970/71 83.0 16
1971/72 84.7 13.8
1972/73 87.2 11
1973/74 89.7 8
1974/75 88 9
1975/76 87 10.7
1976/77 87.4 10.3
1977/78 87.4 11.2
1978/79 87.5 11.3
1979/80 86.4 12
1980/81 86 12.4
(Source : MUGESERA, A. op.cit., pp. 312-313)
Table n°2: Enrollment in government secondary schools, per Province,
September 1989
Provinces Vacancies in accordance
with demographical
importance
Vacancies Difference
Butare 836 696 -140
Byumba 722 662 -60
Cyangugu 461 443 -18
Gikongoro 514 466 -48
Gisenyi 649 1045 +396
Gitarama 836 792 -44
Kibungo 501 425 -76
Kibuye 468 412 -56
Kigali 970 1005 +35
Ruhengeri 736 747 +11
Total 6693 6693 442-442=0
(Source : UWILINGIYIMANA, L., Octobre et Novembre. Le Front Patristique Rwandais et
à l’assaut du Mutara UNR, Editions Universitaires du Rwanda, 1992, p.83.)
N.B.:
The Provinces of Gisenyi (The President’s Province of origin), Kigali (The headquarters
of the country’s high authorities) and Ruhengeri (the province which is an allied to
Gisenyi) gained more places than others.
Table n° 3: The segregation against Tutsi: Secondary Education: 1981/1982
Province Commune Passes
(70-60%)
Admissions
Nyabisindu 9 1
Huye 21 0
Nyaruhengeri 9 1
Ntyazo 14 3
Butare
All 267 103 (=77%)
Province Commune Refused
Cyangugu All 16
Gikongoro All 56
Gisenyi All 11
Gitarama All 72
Kibungo All 24
Kibuye All 53
Kigali All
86
(Source: MUGESERA, A., 2004: 317.)
Table n° 4: the segregation against girls secondary Education 1981/1982
Province Commune passes
(70-60%)
Admissions
Ntyazo 14 0
Gishamvu 36 14
Muyira 23 4
Muganza 10 1
Butare
Ndora 16 1
Gikongoro Karama 23 3
Gisenyi Rwerere 25 14
(Source: MUGESERA, A. 2004: 317)
After a focused observation of the tables 1, 2, 3, and 4, answer the following questions:
1. From table 1, the segregation against Tutsi followed which curve?
At which moment did it get stronger and why?
2. From table 2, the official policy of regional quota was it respected? Why did
Gisenyi, Kigali and Ruhengeri get a bigger of number of students when
compared to what had been planed? What will be the consequence of this
situation in the field of employment?
3. From tables 3 and 4 what are the feelings of Tutsi and girls who passed but
were not admitted? The feelings of Hutu who got less than 60% or 70% but
were admitted?
•Registration Form at NUR
Section A: Personal Details
1. Name: ………………………………………
2. Surname: …………………………………….
3. Address during vacation ……………………….
4. Permanent Address: ……………………….
5. Place of birth (Sector): …………………………….
6. Date of birth ………..
7. Province ……………………………………
8. Country ………………………………………….
9. Residence (sector)………………………….
10. Commune …………………………………..
11. Province…………………………………..
12. Country…………………………………………
13. Nationality…………………………………..
14. Ethnic group ……………………………………..
15. Sex ………………………………………
16. Mother tongue ……………………….
17. Religion …………………………………..
18. Marital status ………………………………….
19. Number of children………………………….
20. Spouse’s name and surname ………………
21. Spouse’s address ………………………
Table 5: Ethnic segregation at N U R (1981-1983)
Academic
year
Hutu % Tutsi % Twa %
1981/82 974 85.14 168 14.69 2 0.17483
1982/83 1112 27.08 164 12.8426 1 0.07831
1983/84 1189 89.3 142 10.7 1 0.08
1984/85 1360 88.484 177 11.51 0 0
1985/86 1340 87.638 189 12.361 0 0
1986/87 1250 86.266 198 13.664 1 0.0690
Total 6325 85.85 1037 14.07 5 0.067
Source : République Rwandaise, Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieure et de la Recherche
Scientifique, Direction Etudes et Evaluation, Annuaire Statistique de l’Enseignement
Supérieur au Rwanda, 1986-1987, Kigali, Mars 1989 , p.49
After reading carefully texts 1, 2, and 3, respond to the following questions:
1. Since when did the segregation policy begin in schools?
2. Who designed it?
3. Which category of Rwandans were victims of this segregation?
4. Was this segregation policy accepted by Rwandans? Give an example.
Table 6: Ethnic and regional segregation at Higher Level of Education
A. At NUR
A.1. Academic year 1983-1984
Province Kigali Gitarama Butare Gikongoro Cyangugu Kibuye Gisenyi Ruhengeri Byumba Kibungo Total %
Ethnic
group
Hutu 117 153 119 98 88 84 170 183 103 74 1189 89.33
Tutsi 31 19 31 11 9 11 7 1 8 13 141 10.6
Twa 1 1 0.07
Total 148 172 151 109 97 95 177 184 111 87 1331 100
% 11.12 12.92 11.34 8.2 7.3 7.13 13.3 13.82 8.34 6.53 100
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire, 1983-1984, Kigali, Novembre 1985, p.10
Diagram 1
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
16.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cy
angugu
Kibuye
Gis
enyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Table 7: Ethnic and regional segregation at Higher level of Education
A.2. Academic year 1984-1985
Province
Butare
Byumba
Cyangugu
Gikongoro
Gisenyi
Gitarama
Kibungo
Kibuye
Kigali
Ruhengeri
N.D.
Total
%
Ethnic
group
Hutu 143 123 109 112 186 168 77 105 136 201 1360 86.37
Tutsi 39 15 11 20 4 19 22 17 29 1 177 11.50
Nationalized 1 0.06
N.D. 1 1 0.06
Total 183 138 120 132 190 187 99 122 165 202 1 1539 100
% 11.89 8.97 7.80 8.58 12.35 12.15 6.43 7.93 10.72 13.13 0.06 100
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire, 1984-1985, Kigali, Avril 1987, p.14.
Diagram 2
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cy
angugu
Kibuye
Gis
enyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Table 8: Ethnic and regional segregation at Higher level of Education
A.3. Academic yrar 1985-1986
Préfecture
Butare
Byumba
Cyangugu
Gikongoro
Gisenyi
Gitarama
Kibungo
Kibuye
Kigali
Ruhengeri
Total
%
Ethnic
group
Hutu 147 127 105 107 175 169 71 99 130 210 1340 87.64
Tutsi 50 12 11 25 7 20 18 16 26 4 189 12.36
Total 197 139 116 132 182 189 89 115 156 214 1529 100
% 12.88 9.,9 7.59 8.63 11.90 12..36 5.82 7..52 10.20 14 100
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire, 1985-1986, Kigali, Août 1988, p.15
Diagram 3
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
16.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumb
a
Kibungo
Series1
Series2
Table 9 Ethnic and regional segregation at Higher level of Education
A.4. Academic year 1986-1987
Province
Butare
Byumba
Cyangu.
Gikongoro
Gisenyi
Gitarama
Kibungo
Kibuye
Kigali
Ruhengeri
Total
%
Ethnic
group
Hutu 142 124 99 105 159 149 62 98 126 186 1250 86.21
Tutsi 51 12 11 22 8 21 17 17 33 6 198 13.65
Twa 1 1 0.07
Nationalised 1 1 0.07
Total 193 136 110 127 167 171 79 115 160 192 1450 100
% 13.31 9.38 7.,59 8.76 11.52 11.79 5.45 7.93 11.03 13.24 110
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire, 1986-1987, Kigali, Mars 1989; p.17
Diagram 4
0.00%
2.00%
4.00%
6.00%
8.00%
10.00%
12.00%
14.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Table 10: Ethnic and regional segregation at NUR
1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 Total Year and
ethnic
group
Préfecture
Hutu Tutsi Hutu Tutsi Hutu Tutsi Hutu Tutsi
Kigali 117 31 136 29 130 26 126 33 411
Gitarama 153 19 168 19 169 20 149 21 682
Butare 119 31 143 39 147 50 142 51 636
Gikongoro 98 11 112 20 107 25 105 22 500
Cyangugu 88 9 109 11 105 11 99 11 443
Kibuye 84 11 105 17 99 16 98 17 437
Gisenyi 170 7 186 4 175 7 159 8 716
Ruhengeri 183 1 201 1 210 4 186 6 792
Byumba 103 8 123 15 127 12 124 12 424
Kibungo 74 13 77 22 71 18 62 17 284
Total 1189 141 1360 177 1340 189 1250 198 4584
% 89.33 10.60 86.37 11.50 87.64 12.36 86.21 13.65
Table 11: Ethnic and segregation at NUR (1981-1987)
Academic
year
Hutu Tutsi Twa Total
1981/82 974 168 2 1,144
1982/83 1,112 164 1 2,277
1983/84 1,189 142 1 1,331
1984/85 1,360 177 0 1,537
1985/86 1,340 189 0 1,529
1986/87 1,250 198 1 1,448
Total 6,325 1,037 5 7,367
Source : République Rwandaise, Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieure et de la Recherche
Scientifique, Direction Etudes et Evaluation, Annuaire Statistique de l’Enseignement
Supérieur au Rwanda, 1986-1987, Kigali, Mars 1989, p.49.
Tableau 12: Ethnic and regional segregation at higher levell of Education
B. E.S.M.
B.1. Academic year 1983-1984
Préfecture
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Total
%
Ethnie
Hutu 18 7 5 6 9 3 20 35 16 4 124 98.41
Tutsi 1 1 2 1.59
Twa
Total 18 8 5 6 9 3 20 36 16 4 126 100
% 14.30 7.14 3.97 4.76 7.14 2.38 15.87 28.57 12.70 3.17 100
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire, 1983-1984, Kigali, Novembre 1985, p.11
Diagram 5
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
30.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Table 13: Students’ distribution at ESM (Military School) per rank
and per ethnic group : 1983/84
Rank
Ethnic
group
Corporal Sergeant Officer Total %
Hutu 41 34 49 124 98.41
Tutsi - 1 1 2 1.59
Twa - - - - -
Total 41 35 50 126 100
Table 14: Student distribution at IAMSEA per Province and per ethnic group
1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 Total Year and
ethnicity
Province
Hutu Tutsi Hutu Tutsi Hutu Tutsi Hutu Tutsi
Kigali 3 3 4 1 2 2 4 3 22
Gitarama 2 1 3 2 3* 1 2 2 16
Butare 2 3 2 4 - 2 - 2 15
Gikongoro 1 2 1 1 - 3 3 2 13
Cyangugu - - - - - - - - -
Kibuye 2 - 4 1 3 1 5 1 17
Gisenyi 3 - 2 - 2 - 1 - 7
Ruhengeri 1 - 4 - 4 1 4 - 14
Byumba 1 - 1 - 1 1** - 1 5
Kibungo - - - - - - - - -
Total 15 9 21 9 14 11 19 11 105
% 62.5 37.5 70.0 30.0 56.0 44.0 63.33 36.67
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire 1983/84, 1984/85, 1985/86 et 1986/87, pp.
11 et 12, 18, 29, 35.
N.B.:
1) In 1983/84, one Hutukazi student from Gitarama
2) No Mutwa at IAMSEA for four years
3) Nobody from Cyangugu nor Kibungo for four years
* One female student
** Female student
Diagram n° 6: National students at IAMSEA per province : 1983/84
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
30.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Series1
Diagram n°7: National students at IAMSEA per province: 1984/85
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Series1
Diagram n°8: National students at IAMSEA per province : 1985/86
0.00%
20.00%
40.00%
60.00%
80.00%
100.00%
120.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Series1
N.B The provinces of Cyangugu and Kibungo are not represented at I.M.S.E.A. in the
course of the academic year 1985/86.
Diagram n°9: National students at IAMSEA per province: 1986/87
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Series1
Diagram n° 10: National students at “Institut Saint Fidèle” per province :
1986/87
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
30.00%
Kigali
Gi
tarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
N.D.
Series1
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire 1986/1987; p.40.
N.B. Ruhengeri and Gisenyi alone had a total of 52.94 %.
Table n° 15: National students abroad per province 1983/84
Province
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Total
%
Region
Africa 18 10 8 6 9 7 27 21 14 4 124 10.59
Europe 256 40.44
Rest of the
world 24 21 27 18 20 12 49 38 28 16 253 39.97
Total 42 31 35 24 29 19 76 49 42 20 633 100
Table n° 16: National students abroad per province: 1984/85
Province
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongor
o
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Total
%
Region
Africa 14 11 9 6 11 9 33 21 12 5 135 19.07
Europe 265 37.43
Rest of the
world 33 28 33 17 26 12 49 61 29 19 308 43.50
Total 47 39 42 23 37 21 82 82 41 24 708 100
Diagram n° 12: National students in Africa per Province : 1985/86
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Diagram n° 13: National students in Europe per province : 1985/86
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Diagram n° 14: National students in the “Rest of the world”: 1985/86
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikong
oro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Table n° 17: National students abroad per province : 1986/87
Province
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
N.D.
Total
%
Region
Africa 19 18 11 8 11 15 39 28 12 10 172 18.20
Europe 40 44 33 24 18 18 63 60 33 17 343 36.30
Rest of the
world 52 46 39 20 33 14 95 68 29 24 3 430 45.50
Total 111 108 83 52 62 47 194 156 137 51 3 945 100
% 11.75 11.43 8.78 5.50 6.56 4.97 20.53 16.51 16.45 5.40 0.32 100
Source: République Rwandaise, MESRS, Annuaire 1986/87, p.45
Diagram n°15: National students in Africa per province: 1986/87
0.00%
10.00%
20.00%
30.00%
40.00%
50.00%
60.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Ki
buye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byum
ba
Kibungo
Series1
Diagram n° 16: National students in Europe per province: 1986/87
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangug
u
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhe
ngeri
Byumba
Kibungo
Series1
Diagram n° 17: National students in the “Rest of the World” per province:
1986/87
0.00%
5.00%
10.00%
15.00%
20.00%
25.00%
Kigali
Gitarama
Butare
Gikongoro
Cyangugu
Kibuye
Gisenyi
Ruhengeri
Byumba
Kibungo
N.D.
Series1
Having observed table n°6 →tables 17:
1. Classify the Provinces based on the number of students.
2. Explain this order of classification.
3. Why do the two top provinces have a small number of Tutsi?
4. What are the feelings of inhabitants of provinces which have a small number
of students and the feelings of those who have a big number of students?
5. What is the impact of this situation in employment?
c)The practice of ethnic and regional segregation in the employment sector
Table 18: The number of employees in banks and insurance companies
based on ethnicity
Banks and
Insurance
companies
Total No. Bahutu Batutsi % Rate of
disparity
B.C.R. 583 518 63 10.8 1.1
B.R.D. 107 93 14 13.1 1.3
BACAR 105 93 11 10.5 1
B.N.R. 551 496 54 9.8 0.98
Caisse hypothécaire 45 34 11 24.4 2.4
Banques Populaires 168 146 22 13.1 1.3
SONARWA 302 272 31 10.2 1
TOTAL 1,861 1,652 206 11 1.1
The same global quota is done in private enterprises with more than 80 employees.
Indeed, 15 private enterprises had a total number of regular 3,966workers including 3,458
Hutu and r385 Tutsis, which represents disparity indication of 0,97. This disparity is very
high at Colas (1=0.073), this lack of quota is probably in relationship with operation
zones of this company at that time, it was operating in Ruhengeri province. Then
Rwantexco can be picked out (I=0.7), Sulfo Rwanda (I=0.78) and UTEXRWA (I=0.83)
where the lack of quota is less noticed. To the contrary, Deutsce Welle (I=2.6), Murri
freres (I=2.6) and Astaldi (I=1.9) with over represented of Tutsi; in other enterprises,
disparity varies with quota as shown in table 12 (BANGAMWABO F.x & AL.,
1991:321)
Table n°19: Wage earners in the private sector per ethnic group
N.B.: Out of 62 directors of enterprises, 19 originate from Gisenyi, 15 from Ruhengeri, 8
from Byumba, 6 from Kigali, 6 from Gikongoro, 4 from Gitarama and Butare, none from
Cyangugu, Kibungo and Kibuye!
And to think that it is a policy of regional quota!
Enterprise No. Bahutu Batutsi % de Batutsi Rate of
disparity
Sulfo Rwanda 447 412 35 7.8 0.78
Colas 821 815 6 0.73 0.073
B.C.R. 583 518 63 10.8 1.1
UTEXRWA 800 631 67 8.3 0.83
Sorwal 100 85 15 15 1.5
Hôtel Umubano 93 82 11 11.8 1.2
NH
V-Rwanda
134 116 18 13.4 1.3
Murri -Frères 103 76 27 26.2 2.6
Abay 114 70 30 26.3 2.6
Ekaglah 105 89 15 14.3 1.4
Astaldi 142 114 28 19.7 1.9
Deutsche Welle 89 64 25 28 2.8
Rwantexco 171 159 12 7 0.7
Briqueterie uliba 148 128 18 12.1 1.2
Rwandex
Chilington
116 100 15 12.9 1.3
Total 3,966 3,459 385 9.7 0.97
Table n°20: Number of central administration personnel based on ethnic group
in some ministries
MINISTRY TOTAL % BAHUTU % BATUTSI %
MINISANTE 2091 32.9 1690 80.9 400 19.1
MINIFIN 462 7.6 374 81 88 19
MINICOM 102 1.6 84 82.4 18 17.6
MINITANSCO 520 8.6 430 82.7 90 17.3
MINAGRI 1265 20.9 1074 85 190 15
MINIJUST 172 2.8 143 83.2 29 16.8
MINIFOP 216 3.5 187 80.6 29 13.4
MININTER 712 11.6 633 89.1 78 10.9
MINITRAPEE 360 5.9 315 87.8 44 12.2
MINIPLAN 149 2.4 116 80.6 29 19.4
Source: UWIZEYIMANA, L., « La politique de l’équilibre ethnique et régional dans l’emploi »,
in Les relations interethniques au Rwanda à la lumière de l’agression d’octobre 1990.
Genèse, soubassements et perspectives, EUR, Ruhengeri, 1991, p.316.
Table n°22: Job seekers per ethnic group in 1989
Ethnic group No. %
Bahutu 4,240 80.3
Batutsi 1,022 19.3
Batwa 13 0.3
Nationalized 4 0.1
Total 5,279 100
Source: UWIZEYIMANA, L., « La politique de l’équilibre ethnique et régional dans l’emploi »,
in Les relations interethniques au Rwanda à la lumière de l’agression d’octobre 1990.
Genèse, soubassements et perspectives, EUR, Ruhengeri, 1991, p.317.
Table 23: Workers in the 12 most important government organizations
MINISTRIES TOTAL % BAHUTU % BATUTSI %
BGM 209 3.8 156 74.4 53 25.3
OPROVIA 354 6.6 313 88.5 41 11.5
MAGERWA 471 8.8 433 92.1 38 7.9
BNR 550 10.2 496 90.2 54 9.8
DRB 278 5.1 264 95 14 5
OCIR/Thé
Shagasha
341 6.3 244 71.6 97 28.4
ONATRACOM 645 11.9 566 87.7 79 12.3
Projet Crête
Zaïre Nil
258 4.7 216 83.7 42 16.3
OCIR/Café 662 12.2 627 94.8 35 5.2
SONARWA 303 5.5 272 89.8 31 10.2
ELECTROGAZ 1064 19.7 815 76.6 249 23.4
ONAPO 252 4.7 245 97.3 7 2.7
TOTAL 5,387 100 4,646 86.3 740 13 .7
Source: UWIZEYIMANA, L., « La politique de l’équilibre ethnique et régional dans l’emploi »,
in Les relations interethniques au Rwanda à la lumière de l’agression d’octobre 1990.
Genèse, soubassements et perspectives, EUR, Ruhengeri, 1991, p.319.
Table 24: Government institutions and directors’ province of origin
INSTITUTION DIRECTOR REGION
Crête Zaïre -Nil Gallican Hategeka Gisenyi
BCR Claver Mvuyekure Gisenyi
BK Viateur Mvuyekure Gisenyi
BACAR Pasteur Musabe Gisenyi
SOPROTEL Martin Ayirwanda Gisenyi
TRAFIPRO Ngororabanga Gisenyi
PNAP Pierre Tegera Gisenyi
Chambre de Commerce Aloys Bizimana Gisenyi
ISAAR Léopold Gahamanyi Gisenyi
Caisse Hypothécaire Antoine Libanje (replaced
Segasayo)
Gisenyi
Musée national Simon Ntigashira Gisenyi
OCIR-Thé Michel Bagaragaza Gisenyi
ORTPN Juvénal Uwilingiyimana Gisenyi
COOPIMAR Jean Mburanumwe Gisenyi
GBK Jean Bagiramenshi Gisenyi
SORWAL Mathieu Ngirira Gisenyi
Usine à Thé Shagasha Callixt Gisenyi
Usine à The Pfunda Munyeshuri Gisenyi
Usine à Thé Murindi Jaribu Gisenyi
Les institutions internationales comme CEPGL, OBK, IRAZ, EGL, CEEAC et les ambassades ne
sont pas inclues
Caisse sociale J.Damascène Hategekimana Ruhengeri
Electrogaz Donat Munyanganizi Ruhengeri
Ocir-Café Fabien Neretse Ruhengeri
BNR Denis Ntirugirimbabazi Ruhengeri
Rwandex Baragaahoranye Ruhengeri
ONAPO Gaudence Nyirasafari Ruhengeri
ORINFOR Ferdinand Nahimana Ruhengeri
CID Daniel Rwananiye Ruhengeri
Laiterie du Rwanda Callixte Mirasano Ruhengeri
RAR Lt Colonel Nyirimanzi Ruhengeri
Redemi J.B. Bicamumpaka Ruhengeri
Sodeparal Michel Bakuzakundi Ruhengeri
Cimerwa Callixte Ruhengeri
Ocir-Thé de Rubaya Juvénal Ndabarinze Ruhengeri
Ocir-Thé Nshili Stany Niyibizi Ruhengeri
Opyrwa Bizimana Byumba
DRB Laurien Ngirabanzi Byumba
Somitrap Laurent Hitimana Byumba
Bunep Augustin Ruzindana Byumba
Soproniz Elie Nyirimbibi Byumba
Ocir-Thé Gisovu Alfred Musema Byumba
Imprisco Stany Siniyibagiwe Byumba
Croix-Rouge Claudien Kamirindi Byumba
Sucrerie Kagaba Kigali
Sonarwa Ngirumpatse Kigali
Petrorwanda Désiré Murenzi Kigali
Magerwa Claudien Kanyarwanda Kigali
CER Juvénal Ndisanze Kigali
Maiserie de Mukamira Dirimasi Kigali
Onatracom Kabogoza Gitarama
Ovapam Nsengiyaremye Gitarama
IRST Gasengayire Gitarama
DPF Musengarurema Gitarama
Oprovia Butare Butare
BRD Maharangari Butare
UNR Ntahobari Butare
DGB Gasarabwe Butare
INR Munyangoga Gikongoro
OVIBAR Munyangendo Gikongoro
Tabarwanda Mucumankiko Gikongoro
PASP UGZ III Nzamurambaho Gikongoro
Ocir-Thé Shagasha Mubiligi Gikongoro
Air Rwanda Karangwa Gikongoro
Source: “Kwiyuburura kwa MRND kujyane no kwicuza”, in kinyamateka, May 1991,
n°1334.
N.B
Out of 62 Directors of enterprises, 19 came from Gisenyi, 15 from Ruhengeri, 8from
Byumba, 6 from Kigali, 6 from Gikongoro, 4 from Gitarama and Butare; none of
directors came from Cyangugu, Kibungo and Kibuye!
And to think that this was a policy of regional quota!
d) Ethnic segregation in the media: Kangura Newspaper
Text 1:
“… Hutu, be united like Tutsi who are one… Don’t you know that it is when Hutu will
unite that they will be able to fight the Tutsi? But if we remain divided, we will continue
being instruments in the hands of Tutsi who will make us turn in one direction at their
will until monarchy is restored”.
Source: BARANYERETSE, M., « De la franchise de Kangura », in Kangura, n°21, Août 1991,
pp.6-7.
Text 2:
“TO ALL HUTU OF THE WORLD”
“Discover again your ethnic group because Tutsi have taught you to forget it. You belong
to an important ethnic Bantu group whose number is more than 15,000,000 inhabitants in
Central and Southern Africa (…)
The Tutsi who plan the eradication of the ethnic group have a “francomaçonique” code,
which allows them to recognize each other. Before becoming Belgian, the Flemish is
Flemish and Walloon is Walloon. The nation is more important than ethnic groups but
form it. The nation is artificial but the ethnic group is natural…”
Source: Kangura, 1992
Text 3:
“Every Hutu should consider another Hutu as a brother. He should know that if tomorrow
one of the volcanoes erupted, Hutu from Rukiga would be brought to stay in Nduga and
will become Munyanduga to that effect. He should know that if there is famine in Nduga,
a Hutu from Nduga will become a Mukiga. No matter what he does, a Hutu cannot
become a Tutsi and conversely…”
Source: HATEGEKIMANA, J.B., « L’espoir des Bahutu est dans l’unité des régions »,
In : Kangura, n°13, Avril 1991, p.12.
Text 4:
Since MRND has liberated Hutu from the claims of Feudalism, Tutsi are ashamed when
they are called Tutsi because they have failed. They have turned their back to the truth,
they ground their teeth and sworn that they will be called Tutsi again only when King
Kigeli V return to Rwanda. They have changed their ethnic identity they call themselves
Hutu on identity cards because they fear the truth. This means that the first leaders of
PARMEHUTU did not respect the truth because they allowed Tutsi to change their ethnic
group yet the truth imposes to each person to accept his/her ethnic group even if the latter
is not in power. These authorities have encouraged liars because either Tutsi gave them
cows or girls to marry. Others were allowed to be called Hutu simply because they were
to increase the number of PARMEHUTU members. Under the second republic, lying
became a law, even if it was not voted by members of parliament, and I am asking myself
a question on this. Our M.Ps. always repeat that we are in a country where there is respect
of law. But isn’t it the violation of law when one changes his/her ethnic group? But how
many have been punished for that action?
A state which does not punish people who dare to confirm that black is white, is it itself
in the right?
It is unbelievable that a Tutsi presents himself for legislative elections by taking a Hutu
identity card and then becomes Minister for Public Service, because he lied. In the
context of ethnic quota, which we in the right mind support so long it is effectively
implemented, will this Mututsi take the place of a Hutu in order to use it with his brothers
Tutsi, in the fight for the restoration of monarchy and Tutsi identity? MRND party which
accepts to write his name on the lists of candidates in Rwanda, with confirmation that he
is Hutu when he is a Tutsi, can we say that the party respects the law? I hope that in the
process of reform, the question of its support for its members’ lies will also be
considered.
Listen to me carefully, I don’t say that a Tutsi should be marginalized because he/she is a
Tutsi, but he/she should have the place that she/he deserves but not stealing that of a Hutu
or that of a Twa while keeping his/her own for his/her brother. You, Tutsi who made
yourself a Hutu, listen to me carefully, it is no use to hide your ethnic group, and the
current regime loves Tutsi as if they poisoned it…”
Source: Kangura, n°17, Avril 1991; « La vérité est le fondement de la
Démocratie »
Text 5
In our program, the expression “rubanda nyamwinshi” is repeated very often. This is
surprising! In Rwanda, the terms such as “rubanda nyamwinshi” and also “imbaga
nyamwinshi” mean Hutu. For what reason did you decide to come to defend the interest
of Hutu? Have Tutsi become “rubandanyamwinshi” without our knowledge? But this is
not possible. The last population census showed that the Rwanda population
approximated to 7,000,000, 90% of them were Hutu. Things did not change. Tutsi who
live in foreign countries are not more than 1,000,000. Is it “rubanda nyamwinshi” which
have called for help? Since when we, Hutu, would we need you, to liberate us, if we
really needed to be liberated?
Source: BARAHINYURA, J. « Je voudrais poser quelques questions aux Batutsi », In: Kangura,
N°33, Mars 1992, p.12.
Text 6
“Since the 1959 revolution, efforts have been made here and there in order to secure the
interests of the Hutu majority although they are still neglected. Of course when different
areas are analyzed, you find that the members of the majority were allocated key posts.
But if you look into other areas, the ethnic quota surely provides alarming information....
the Tutsi minority puts at risk the ethnic and regional quota system. People of mixed
races present another aspect of the problem. This is known as something that shadows the
local structures. Besides, those who falsify their identity cards are many already since
1959. There are a variety of examples. Suppose that statistics at all levels of Education,
for secondary and tertiary are precisely and strictly counted, unfortunately everyone will
be surprised to see Tutsi in all fields. One may ask if the ethnic and regional quota system
was a simple slogan or a mere issue. At the National University of Rwanda, more
precisely in the Faculty of Law, there are facts which speak for themselves; there is no
need of insisting. In higher institutions, only those who live there know the actual
situation. Ethnic proportions are unbalanced and they are alarming. In public and private
businesses, the power is in their hands. The minority has managed to seduce the Rwandan
society and since long ago, the latter seems to have been infiltrated by it. Certain
activities are particular to the Tutsi ethnic group; these are among others the Rwandan
clergy, etc. The members of this ethnic group always stick together wherever they are.
They are faithful companions on the road, forming networks to take over power.”
Source: Kangura-Magazinie, n°10, Mai 1992. Pp.3-4 « Rwanda, Pourquoi l’union de la
majorité doit-elle provoquer des insomnies ? ».
Text N° 7: 10 Commandments of Hutu Extremists
1. Every Hutu should know that umututsikazi wherever she is works to the benefit of
her ethnic Tutsi group. Consequently, any muhutu is a traitor when:
- He takes as wife a mututsikazi
- He has a mututsikazi girlfriend
- He has a mututsikazi secretary or girlfriend.
2. Every Hutu should know that our girls Bahutukazi have more dignity and
consciousness in their roles as women, wives and mothers. Aren’t they pretty,
good secretaries and more honest?
3. Bahutukazi be cautious and bring back your husbands, your brothers and your
sons back home.
4. Every Hutu should be aware that every mututsi is dishonest in business. He only
targets his ethnic group’s supremacy.
RIZABARA UWARIRAYE!
Consequently is a traitor every Hutu:
- Who has connections with Batutsi in his business;
- Who invests his money or government’s money in an enterprise of a Mututsi;
- Who borrows or lends money to a Mututsi;
- Who gives favors to Batutsi in business (giving license for import, bank loans,
land for construction, government market, …)
5. Strategic posts like political, administrative, military and security vancies must be
confined to Bahutu;
6. The Education sector (pupils, students and teachers) must be majority Hutu.
7. The Rwandan army must be exclusively Hutu. The experience from the beginning
of the war in October 1990 has taught us a lesson. No army personnel is allowed to
marry a Mututsikazi.
8. Hutu should stop feeling sorry for Batutsi.
9. Hutu wherever they are should be united, show solidarity and cautiousness about
the fate of their Bahutu brothers. Hutu living inside and outside Rwanda must look
constantly for friends and allies for the Hutu cause, starting with the Bantu
brothers.
- They should constantly halt Tutsi propaganda.
- Hutus should be firm and watchful against their common ennemi Mututsi.
10. The social revolution of 1959, 1961-referendum and Hutu ideology must be
taught to every Hutu and at all levels.
All Hutu must circulate widely this ideology. Any Hutu who will persecute his fellow
Hutu brother because he has read, circulated and taught this ideology, will be a traitor”.
(Kangura, December 1990)
Source: LUGAN, B., Histoire du Rwanda, Vitry, Bartillat, 1997, pp.482-83
Table n° 25: Extremist Newspapers
Name 1st Edition Actual
Periodicity
Director Political tendency
IJAMBO January 1991 Unknown ? Branch of RPF
IMBAGA March 1991 Monthly ASBL Imbaga Moderate Pro-Hutu
LA Victoire
TURATSINZE
April 1991 Monthly Ministre Défense Journal of Rwandan
Army Forces
DUSINA SANE
IMITIMA
TUDAHUSHUN
April 1991 Short-lived H.B.
Habyarimana
Hutu Power
ECHO DES MILLE
COLLINES
June 1991 Monthly T. Kabonabake Hutu extremism
LA MEDAILLE
NYIRAMACIBIRI
July 1991 Monthly F Rwabutogo
L. Musekuru
Kwitonda
Hutu extremism
JYAMBERE August 1991 Monthly-shortlived
T. Hahozayezu Hutu extremism
KANGURA INT. October 1991 Monthly Mensuelle Issa
Nyabyenda
Hutu extremism
INTERAHAMWE Jan. 92 to
Sept. 93
Bi-monthly
Short-lived
R. Kajuga
Tatien
hahozayezu
Hutu extremism
IKINANI June 1992 One censured
edition
P. Simbikangwa Hutu extremism
VERITES
D’AFRIQUE
IMPAMO
August 1992 Bi-monthly Epa Habimana Tendency
« Power » of MDR
Party
PAIX ET
DEMOCRATIE
April 1993 Irregular E. Gapyisi Moderate then
« Power »
LE COURRIER DU
PEUPLE
1993 Short-lived ? MRD « Hutu
Power »
POWER-PAWA Nov. 1993 Monthly Froduald
Karamira
Extremism of
« Hutu Power »
INTERA Dec. 1989 Bi-monthly S. Rwabukumba
A. Nkurunziza
Hutu extremism
UMURANGA
MAGAZINE
January 1990 Monthly or bimonthly
Félicien
Semusambi
Independent and
then Hutu power
KANGURA May 1990 Monthly Hassan Ngeze Extremist
IJAMBO August 1990 Monthly or bimonthly
François Xavier
Hangimana
Moderate then
« Hutu power »
IJISHO RYA
RUBANDA
Dec. 1990 Irregular T.N. Mbarute Libertarian then
« Hutu Power »
Source: CHRETIEN, J-P. et alii, Rwanda. Les médias du génocide, Paris, Karthala, 1995,
p383,384,385 et 386
•Oral sources (Interviews)
1. Kayitesi Beltilde, born July 1964 at Nyaruguru in Gikongoro province, finished
primary 6 in 1979 with 47% and repeated her class. During that year, from 6
primary schools (Ruramba, Gorwe, Rwamiko, Giseke, Rubona and Ngado, only 14
pupils were admitted to secondary schools among these 12 were Hutu and 2 Tutsi.
In 1980, when Kayitesi B. finished primary 6, no Tutsi was admitted to secondary
Education that is why she went to study in Zaire. She passed National
Examinations with 51%, but she was denied University studies at the National
University of Rwanda (NUR). She needed the equivalent of her certificate while
her Hutu colleagues who finished in Zaire with 50% were admitted at the NUR. It
is for this reason she started working first as a teacher and later on as assistant
mayor; she never did her University studies.
2. X. was born in 1973 at Nyakizu in Butare province. She finished primary 6 in 1987
at Cyahinda, Nyakizu Educational sector. She got 82%. Since she could not be
admitted to a government school for secondary Education, she joined a private
school self sponsored. At the end of secondary, she got 70,7% in 1993. Because of
the above-mentioned system, she could not enroll at NUR. It is for this reason that
she was employed as social assistant by one private secondary school. She is
currently pursuing university studies at the NUR, third year.
3. BAKUNDUKIZE Redempta: “I was born 11th march 1970, in MARABA district,
Butare province. I did primary Education at Maraba 1977/1978 to 1985/1986, and I
was always first in my class. Despite that, when we did national examination in
order to join secondary Education, 5 pupils who were always behind me in class
passed and I mysteriously failed. On the lists, there were only names without marks
because of the bad system of ethnic and regional quota, which was practiced in
schools. I repeated primary 8 and when I sat for national exams for the second time,
I was sent to “ecole normale primaire de SHANGI”, in Cyangugu province. I did 6
years 1986/1987 to 1991/1992. I graduated with satisfaction (65%). After
secondary Education I wrote an application letter requesting for access to NUR, my
letter was filed, I never got a reply. I became a teacher. After the genocide of 1994,
I did not manage to continue my studies; I had to ensure my survival and that of my
family’s orphans as well. I found the answer through evening studies. I have
finished “Bac II” in Sociology.”
e) Education without Discrimination and Genocide Ideology
After the 1994 Genocide, the transitional government committed itself to free the
Education sector from its main policy of ethnic and regional quota.
This system of ethnic quota limited access to Education for all and constituted a big
obstacle to national development for a weakened country which lacks sufficient
qualified human resources.
From now on, it is the principle of merit and teaching democratization that should
underlie the Education policy so that the country may be led towards its so awaited
economic take off.
Concerning genocide ideology, it might disintegrate as it is no longer being fueled by
the quota policy and ethnic hatred.
2. Situational analysis of the period between the 1980’s up to 1994 in Rwanda by
European researchers:
a) Pierre Erny, Rwanda 1994, Paris, L’Harmattan 1994
•Inside the country:
The population is unhappy
“A kind of wild racketing was developed among leaders. The population noticed with
unhappiness how land had been misappropriated by those who were privileged because
of their region of origin, big pastoral fields comparable to those of rich Tutsi in old days
were being developed, the general drop of prices of products for export such as coffee
and tea which caused a 40% reduction of government resources, the establishment of
regionalism in the opposite direction of that of KAYIBANDA, shocking social disparities
existed in the open and the succession of torrential rains and drought yet caused famine in
some regions”…
Dissension between Hutu from the north and those from the south
“September 1990, four newsmen of former KINYAMATEKA whose director was Father
SIBOMANA, were seriously charged because they tried to discredit the authorities by
denouncing a certain number of cases of injustice, misappropriation of funds, human
rights irregularities and violation.
With statistics to support this, the authors demonstrated that Rwandans from the north
were clearly favored concerning access to secondary and higher Education and posts in
government institutions as well…
During interrogations, the person in charge of security managed to intimidate Father
SIBOMANA Saying:
“Do you forget that you come from GITARAMA and that people from that province are
enemies’ number one of the second republic? If you continue to disturb this
government’s meetings by your writings, we will inflict you the same fate (death) as we
did to the authorities of the first republic. We have all material and technical means to do
it.” (Dialogue 143)
The deterioration of human rights and security conditions as well
“Hutu personalities were targeted the same way as Tutsi were. Arbitrary arrests and
imprisonment were carried out in big numbers for contacts with external opponents or
writing articles in the media which accused government of corruption, violence by police
or discrimination (more than 8,000 cases were made official between October 1990 and
February 1991, without counting others); newsmen were hunted, suspicious trials were
made; torture was done frequently.
Political assassinations were committed in big numbers… the army began intimidation
openly…
Genocide tried
To make it worse, while nothing predicted the deterioration of relations between Tutsi
and Hutu, very serious and high tensions, troubles and ethnic confrontations erupted:
- At Kibirira, in the North-west, in October 1990
- In the region occupied by Bagogwe, a sub group of pastoral Batutsi in the north,
with no doubt one thousand victims in January 1991, at Kanzenze, near Kigali in
October 1991
- In march 1992 in Bugesera, at Nyamata and Ruhuha
- At Kibuye.
… Five hundred machine guns were distributed to district authorities, and groups of
killers called “escadrons de la mort” were running all over the country looking for Tutsi,
stealing cattle, destroying houses and crops… they were also talking of sinister “réseaux
zero”.
•Outside the country: the question of refugees’ return
“For those in exile, one big claim was made concerning the inability to go back to their
homeland rightfully… Extremist Hutu were opposed to this return of refugees by
principle. The government at Kigali had demonstrated its refusal, once again, with no
doubt, as it was the case with quotas, they feared overpopulation. Therefore they put a lot
of emphasis on the point of view which was purely technocratic and was not taking into
account human problems and international reactions and opinion, saying that the country
was already overpopulated, that there was no more land to give and that it was mere
utopia to plan such a return.
As stated by H. Rossel, this statement and attitude constituted a serious psychological
impact because when refugees are denied the possibility to return to their country, they
are pushed practically to despair and this can cause them the desire of revenge.”
b) Claudine Vidal, sociologie des passions, Paris, Karthala 1991
“The separation of ethnic groups”
“How and in what conditions, do ethnic divisions become a reason of criminal
confrontations”? (p19)
“When ethnic speeches become “national identifications”, they acquire quite different
modalities of existing depending on social divisions pertaining to national groups.” (p.20)
“The call for historical images was particularly intensive in Rwanda. These images aimed
at explaining the divisions among diverse groups of ethnic entities with no difference
based on language, geographic location, religion and traditional culture. But this
historical development on ethnicity did not happen on the spot, there is a history which
began in the first years of colonization, also very diverse social actors rallied to protect
ethnic figures of the past when their existence simply appears in the present.”
Such retrospectives, which were practiced by Europeans first, were taken over by
Rwandans, and were taught, internalized until they formed a set of beliefs, which not
only gave immediately a historical destiny to European forms of social inequality but also
introduced in nature the privilege to access European life styles. When the first open
conflicts erupted (in 1959), oppositions got involved in total hatred and even ethnic
racism.”(p.21)
c) A. Des Forges, Aucun temoin ne doit survivre le génocide au Rwanda, Paris,
Karthala, 1999
While affirming that Tutsi were preparing the genocide of Hutu, several publications
seemed to have followed closely the propaganda tactic of “accusation en miroir”. Many
newspapers attributed to Tutsi words that Hutu were finally going to say while making
the call for Tutsi genocide. This is how in September 1991, “la médaille Nyiramacibiri”
claimed that Tutsi wanted to clean Rwanda […] by throwing Hutu in Nyabarongo, this
sentence became famous one year later when Mugesera spoke of throwing Tutsi in the
river. Kangura mentioned that captured RPF soldiers by government troops had come to
remove Hutu dirt from Rwanda […]. During genocide, Hutu were talking often of
cleaning their communities from Tutsi dirt. In April 1992, Jyambere newspaper accused
opposition parties of distributing arms to their younger members, revealing exactly by
these “accusations en miroir” what the Habyarimana army was actually doing at that
time.
b) Bernard Lugan. Histoire du Rwanda, 1997 pp 516-517
Reflection on genocide
“Beyond the number of victims, estimated at 500,000 to 1,000,000 dead for a population
which was counted at about 8 million before massacres, the Rwandan killings took the
form of a proper “populicide” when victims were moderate or liberal Hutu, killed for
their political thoughts and Genocide when Tutsi died because of their “ethnic-racial”
belonging. These events can be put into the following major categories:
- Political assassinations
The lists of people to be killed, Hutu and Tutsi had been established. Hutu extremists
used these lists in order to eliminate in the shortest time possible most of the politicians
from opposition parties and in fact these were in majority Hutu than Tutsi. The militia
and presidential guards had lists; the operation was carried out systematically, it was not
a hazard when they launched their campaign of extermination.
This operation had been prepared, planned and organized long before. The death of the
president was a pretext of its start. It began some hours after his death was announced, as
if those who gave the order were waiting for it and had prepared it.”
(LUGAN B., 1997: 516)
“Certain massacres of Tutsi began some hours or days after the death of president
Habyarimana was announced, but the most important phase of Genocide erupted
when the Hutu political class was physically eliminated. It was as if those who planed
the killings, the elimination of all the Tutsi population of Rwanda, the action “ethnicracial”
fight was of less “urgency” and proprietary than that of Hutu officials from
opposition parties. Then when killers started attacking Tutsi, they did it
systematically. They did not need lists because all Tutsi were to die.
The silent Genocide probably caused more deaths. It took place in rural areas,
everywhere, Tutsi were murdered by their neighbors. It was a movement of madness in
which thousands of Hutu peasants were involved. In this campaign of Tutsi “eradication”,
“genie assassin” of those who started genocide was to involve the whole population in the
killing. From now on, Hutu union had been sealed in the shared sacrifice that they had
offered to “bantuité”
A new social pact, a new union had been enhanced by blood and screaming of victims
who were dying. People had become mad, with no knowledge or respect of any moral or
religious values. They were fulfilling their genocidal “duty” with obstinate application
that these uneducated peasants put in whatever they undertook.
- The Catholic Church and Genocide
Before the 1994 Genocide, the catholic clergy was made of 9 archbishops and 620
priests. Among these 250 foreigners (French, Belgians, Canadians, polish, Italians,
Spanish, Dutch, etc.)
During Genocide, at least 120 priests were massacred. These were mainly Tutsi. A sixth
of the clergy was physically eliminated therefore. Considering the percentage of national
priests, it is a third of the clergy which was massacred.
On 3rd June 1994, at Kabgayi, the historical place of the Rwandan Catholicism and from
where began the inspiration of Hutu revolution of 1959; Tutsi soldiers assassinated three
archbishops. Two of these archbishops were closely connected to Habyarimana regime.
Mgr Nsengiyumva was an archbishop ethnically engaged. He was 58 years old, Hutu
from the north. His nomination was very political in 1976. For 10 years, 1975-1985, he
was a member of MRND central committee. A strong partisan of Habyarimana, he was
hated by Tutsis who accused him of having “covered” the massacres of their brothers by
his silence.
Bishop Thadée Nsengiyumva was not a relative of his Archbishop. He became the
successor of Bishop Perraudin since 1989, as the head of the cathedral of Kabgayi. He
was the president of the Episcopal conference of Rwanda. In his pastoral letter of April
1994, he clearly supported president Habyarimana when he was still alive. As far as Tutsi
were concerned, the bishop of Kabgayi clearly engaged the Catholic Church in the camp
of their oppressors”
(LUGAN B., 1997:511
E. Other Important Themes
1. Economic, social, cultural and political crisis;
2. The refugee problem;
3. The October 1990 attack of RPF;
4. The reaction of the Rwandan government (imprisonment of accomplices “ibyitso”
and that of international community);
5. The formation of opposition parties and the return to multiparty
6. War extension and the problem of displaced people
7. The different negotiations before Arusha agreement (Nsele, Gbadolité)
8. Political instability: the transitional governments;
9. Political tensions, internal insecurity and massacres, preludes to genocide:
Bigogwe, Kinigi, Murambi, Bugesera etc.
10. The role of media (newspapers, radio) during violence and call for massacres;
11. The role of the church
12. Arusha accords and negotiations
13. The role of Africa and that of international community in Arusha accords;
14. Blockages of Arusha accords and the role of MINUAR;
15. The crash of the presidential aircraft and the beginning of Genocide;
16. Genocide chronology;
F. Lessons
Lesson preparation
1. Preliminaries
a) The subject matter: Post Colonial Political Rwanda (1990-1994)
Theme: Exclusion and Genocide in Rwanda (1990-1994)
Sub theme: Education Policy and the Genocide Ideology between 190 and 1994
at secondary and tertiary levels of Education.
Class: Senior 3
Lesson perid: 50 min.
b) Teaching materials: the map of Rwanda, tables of statistics and graphics, texts
on discrimination in Rwanda.
Objectives:
a) General objective
To show the role of discrimination in Genocide
To show how a group of Rwandans had monopolized the knowledge in
order to monopolise whealth and power
b) Specific objectives:
At the end of the lesson, learners will be able to describe the policy of discrimination,
which is a means of spreading the genocide ideology and pin its negative
consequences as something that must be eradicated for ever.
3. Lesson sequences
Topic Student
activities
Teacher’s activity Teaching
material
a) Introduction : recall on important
concepts :
- Discrimination = division
= exclusion
- Ethnic group = human group with the
same history, a common culture and a
common territory.
- Higher Education = post – secondary =
university, Institution or school.
b) Ethnic discrimination at :
- NUR
- IAMSEA
- ESM
c) Regional discrimination at :
- NUR
- IAMSEA
- ESM
d) Consequences of discrimination:
- Job discrimination and monopoly of
employment.
- The superiority complex of those who are
privileged and used as instruments.
- Inferiority complex of those excluded,
resigned and passive.
- Number of illiterates, unemployed and
the disappointed used as instruments.
To respond to the
questions of the
teacher.
To observe and
answer questions.
Idem
Answer the
questions of the
teacher.
Idem
Idem
To ask questions
To show the map and
ask questions
To show tables,
drawings, statistics
and ask questions,
and make a summary
of the answers.
Idem
Ask questions and
make a summary of
the answers.
Idem
Idem
The map of
Rwanda
Tables,
graphics and
statistics.
Idem
Summary
- Show the important elements of
the subject
- Make a summary of the lessons
to be drawn from
discrimination, for future
reference.
4. Synthesis or general review
- To draw important elements of the subject
- To make a summary of the lesson to be drawn from discrimination for the future.
5. The list of other proposed lessons:
1. The support offered to the second republic regime by the Catholic Church;
2. The support of international community (institutions of Bretton Woods
and states), assistance to the second republic regime;
3. The problem of refugees and its consequences;
4. The Rwandan Patriotic Front: origin, organization an objectives;
5. The role of media in regional and ethnic discrimination;
6. Return to multiparty system: motivations and claims;
7. Social, economic crisis;
8. The problem of displaced people because of war;
9. The reaction of international community on Genocide;
10. The role of political parties in genocide
GENERAL CONCLUSION
The methodology innovation proposed by this study is about the learner’s involvement
in the use of sources, documentation materials and interpretations in order to get his/her
participation in the most possible objective interpretation of facts. This is far from being
easy task but it presents the enormous advantages of being participatory and helps the
learner to acquire ability at the highest level in choice and concerted decision making.
The first among requirements consists of providing the sources and teaching materials on
the theme to be studied. We managed to do it but with difficulties since our schools do
not have textbooks for the majority of subjects and so far little has been done for the
modernization of libraries. Therefore, the problem of teaching materials needs to be
recognized and materials made available.
The second requirement is about indications for the learner on how to work and explore
at liberty before receiving historical commentaries and notes from the teacher. This
requirement has been widely explored but it requires a long experience and a “certain”
maturity on the part of the learner and this must be acquired as soon as possible. The
remark is that the size of topics covered in this study is rather very small considering the
learner’s lack of confidence in the field of silent individual reading- interpretation in the
presentation of different answers followed by their critical analysis.
The third necessity is about the aspect of contact network for interaction between the
teacher and the learner. This must be fully democratic although some habits still resist
change. The learner must ensure that homework is done properly and make sure that
he/she understands very well the summary or the general overview of the lesson.
And lastly, the participatory approach in the teaching of History of Rwanda helps the
learner to have access to interpretations after participating actively to their development.
Nothing is imposed by the teacher and consequently; everything comes from individual
and collective critical analysis which is developed methodologically.